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Friday, 19 April 2019

Wayne was given an IPP,'Life for 'taking' a bike at age of 17. 'He's never had a girlfriend, he's never had a life at all' and likely never have kids. All his friends are married now and bringing up kids. Help this lad Home.

Help
From: <........  @sky.com>
To:Katherine Gleeson <katherinegleeson@aol.com>
Date:

Sat, 13 Apr 2019 8:42

The  heart breaking email  I received from Wayne Bell,s family a single word,  Help! and .......  It saddens me to here  such despair and the lose of hope. Sadly I received  hundreds of emails like this each  month. Desperation, worsening  health, being  massively over  tariff, not getting legal aid  being pumped with medication  and losing hope. Compounding is the lack of response from the  MoJ and the  decades of, "We are progressing but how long is to long?

My son was locked up at 17 for robbing a bike - why is he still in jail 12 years later?
A quirk of the law means Wayne Bell has served longer than killers and rapists for a mugging he committed as a teenager - his family say 'he's never had a life'


'Life' for 'taxing' a bike







Wayne Bell was just (17 when he was locked up for robbery - he punched another lad and took his bike in Ladybarn Park in south Manchester.

He was sentenced in March 2007 and today, more than 12 years on, he is yet to be set free.

It was his misfortune that he was among the first convicts to be handed a new type of sentence - since discredited and abolished as 'unjust'.

In 2005, the then Home Secretary David Blunkett introduced Imprisonment for Public Protection sentences (IPP).

The public, press and even some judges - confronted with this new tool - struggled to understand them at first.

Those who got them were handed minimum terms, often only of a few years, after which they had to convince the Parole Board they were safe to be released.


The problem was that IPP prisoners weren't given access to courses so they could prove they were rehabilitated. After doing all the courses and good behaviour the family question the government failings.

Wayne Bell was one of them.

He was handed the youth equivalent of an IPP (a Detention for Public Protection sentence for stealing a bike ? at Manchester Crown Court and was told he would have to serve four years before the Parole Board would consider his release. It is thought he asked for a string of other crimes to be taken into consideration though minor to the rest of the population

Wayne Bell as a child

Successive Parole Board hearings deemed that Wayne, now aged 29, couldn't be managed safely in the community and so he has remained in custody ever since. As he has lost hope, he has got involved with fights defending himself in prison. And with each fight, his chance of impressing the Parole Board diminishes.

Some 8,711 IPP sentences were dished out between 2005 and 2012, contributing to a huge rise in the prison population.

 But some, relatively petty offenders, like Wayne Bell, were caught in the net - and may never escape it.

'Life for 'taxing' a bike


Your average prisoner serves half their sentence. That means Wayne has served the equivalent of a 24 year sentence, longer than many killers, rapists, major drug dealers, paedophiles and organised criminals.

To compare, John Worboys, the 'black cab' rapist who sexually assaulted 12 women in London, was jailed in 2009. He would have been released this year by the Parole Board, had victims not complained.

Meanwhile, Brian Reader, the career criminal who masterminded the £14m Hatton Gardens jewellery heist, was released last summer - after just three years behind bars.

Seven years ago IPPs were abolished on the back of a European Court ruling that they breached human rights - on the grounds that prisons had failed to provide inmates access to the rehabilitation courses required to demonstrate to the Parole Board that they were safe to be released.

But the abolition wasn't retrospective, so today, even though more and more are being released, there remain 2,489 prisoners still locked up on IPP sentences.

Wayne Bell's case is all the more unusual because he was, in the eyes of the law, still a child when he got his IPP.




Wayne Bell

With any hope he might be finally let go ebbing away with each passing year, Wayne became a problem prisoner.

Once a strapping 6ft 2in lad of about 15 stone, he has lost a lot of weight and is all skin and bone now, according to his family.

His family, who haven't seen him since before Christmas, invited an M.E.N. reporter into their home in Burnage.


'He's never had a girlfriend, he's never had a life at all'



Carl Bell at his home in Burnage


Wayne's dad Carl, who works at B&Q in Stockport, a softly spoken
"""man who has been worn down over the years in the face of a wall of bureaucracy, still hopes his lad will be freed one day.

He recalled the moment he saw his son was handed the sentence at Manchester Crown Court.

"I honestly thought he would be coming out. I thought he would be in there a couple of years. I didn't know he would be in there this long. It's a disgrace".

"Wayne has watched murderers and rapists come and go in and out of prison. He just hit someone and took their bike. The sentence really doesn't fit the crime," said Carl.

He went on: "He's never had a girlfriend. He's never had a life at all really. There are probably kids who have done the same as him but they had a chance in life, got married and had their own kids.

"It looks like he'll never have that chance. All his friends are married now and bringing up kids, even the ones who were giving him all that peer pressure at the time they were growing up."

Wayne, a bright and polite child who played the trumpet, wanted to become a mechanic, but started getting into trouble aged 14 or 15 while he was at Burnage High School. He was expelled.

He had 'got in with the wrong crowd' and committed crimes like stealing a TV and a games console, say his family.

His mother Diane Bell, 54, a community carer, said: "He was being a nuisance but nothing major. He did get in lots of trouble."

A passing police patrol witnessed him attacking another boy and then taking his bike, the crime which ended in his IPP. The trouble was that he had previous.

"At the start he actually thought he would be getting out soon. He went to the gym. He was hopeful and we were writing letter after letter to try and get him out. He thought we would be able to get him out. He was given hope and hope was taken away," said Carl.



Carl Bell with his daughter Alana


He became a prison 'listener', an ear for new inmates to talk to and embarked on a course for car mechanics.

But he got involved in fights in prison. Other inmates knew he was vulnerable as an IPP prisoner and 'targeted' him, for instance by trying to take his toilet roll, his family say.

"He tried to defend himself and got sent down the block for it," according to Wayne's brother Carl, 32,  a computer salesman.

"When people saw he was on an IPP they have targeted him because of if they got into trouble he was going to get into more trouble than they were because they were ordinary prisoners who couldn't get more time," said Carl.

Every two years he went before the parole board but each time he was turned down amid continuing concerns about whether he was safe to be released. His probation officer also thought he wasn't safe to be released, according to his family.

'I blame the system'



Withington MP Jeff Smith


The family wrote to their local MP, Jeff Smith, who took up their case last year and received assurances from the Ministry of Justice that, although the parole process had been halted in Wayne's case, it would resume again.

"I am aware this is a very difficult time for you all and I would be grateful if you could keep me updates about any developments," the MP told the family.

"He's got to the stage now where he doesn't care anymore. He doesn't want to be here," said  dad Carl, who went on: "I blame the system."

"I blame the government because they know what's going on.

He should be at home with us. It's the first thing you think about in the morning and the last thing you think about when you go to bed. It would be nice to see him live a little bit of life.

"He hit someone and took their bike, but the sentence really doesn't fit the crime."



Brother Carl added: "It's the hopelessness behind it. Every avenue we have been down there's always a block in the road...  He didn't rape or murder anybody. That's what that sentence was for. There's very little of him left but we just want to have him home.

"He's said he doesn't want anything in life. He just wants a girlfriend and a job and a car. That's all."

Wayne has had four parole board hearings and officials have indicated on the last one he asked not to be released. His family say as far as they were concerned he was desperate to be freed.

A threat to society?


Within two years of introduction, 3,000 people were handed IPPs - far more than had been anticipated by the Home Office.

The Howard League, which campaigns for prison reform, concluded in 2013 that IPPs were 'poorly planned and implemented and resulted in unjust punishments, particularly those sentenced prior to 2008'. It urged the government to review IPP prisoners who remained behind bars.

It surveyed 103 senior prison governors and the vast majority reported IPPs had a negative impact on both prisoners and staff, in part because they didn't have the resources available to run rehabilitation courses required to demonstrate that inmates were safe to be released.

The parole board struggled to hear the increased number of hearings.

The prison population rose significantly.

The IPP was finally abolished in 2012 with the then Justice Secretary Ken Clarke stating the sentence had been 'inconsistent', used far more than intended and had proved 'unjust' for many recipien

In 2017, Parole Board chairman Nick Hardwick told the justice committee of the House of Commons that IPP offenders were being released but that more than half were being recalled, sometimes only for minor breaches of the terms of their release.

Wayne Bell had been scheduled to go before another Parole Board hearing but it was cancelled last year due to concerns about his health.

A spokesman for the Parole Board said they could not comment on individual cases but added in a statement: "The role of the Parole Board in all cases - including prisoners sentenced to Imprisonment for Public Protection (IPP) - is to determine if someone is safe to release.











The government keep using the word  if safe" for decades but yet the government lets out Non IPP prisoners everyday who have committed more serious offences.  IPP prisoners  have committed minor crimes in comparison to the rest of the prison population and are lower risk  of re offending but despite this numbers over IPP prisoners are over tariff by 5-10 years though they have done all that has been asked of them.. IPP prisoners  have for far to long been branded by the government since the sentence began though the sentence was meant for particular  type of offender . All prisoners are risk of reoffender but  the government  let  non IPP prisoners  out each day. We know the government caused this problem, not applying the courses this  being a  snap shot and that's why IPP prisoners got stuck there and the longer they was there more likely more trouble would greet them in the failing prisons.

The government are window dressing over the figures and we are  tied of t the word,  "We are making progress BUT  In fact there is little change when you look at the amount of time the government  had to deal with IPP prisoner problem this is  seriously concerning and unreasonable to keep this up with the media.


I question why the Law  University's don't step in and do more to help  knowing there has been an injustice? possible being  students they follow and believe everything there told. So why don't law lecturers step in? Is it possible  they don't want to lose there funding perhaps t research is more important. We must continue to work hard to make sure no more innocent lives are lost we   we must demand action. 


Pumped with medication in prison- he doesn’t want to live.








Minister for Justice David Gauke

Ministry of Justice Rory Scott  



"Why is this man in prison still?
The Health of prisoner is fundamental. Health care in prison is poor and has been extensively reported. This young man has done his time over and over. 
The length of time he been in   prison he is bound to get court up in these violent prisons only to defend himself.

I ask would ask if this was your Son you would do everything in your power.
Ignoring letters  from desperate families is not the answer this only down plays the problem and has previous this led to tragic circumstances of 16  IPP prisoners deaths though the  true figures have not been made published.
Rory Scott did state if things got worse  he would resign. Both have the answer and that' is a policy change.  Back bone  comes to mind but the need to use it ! 


 "Help" Wayne  Come Home.


Thank you










Monday, 8 April 2019

IPP, Like many others, I am sick and tired of writing to MPs and Ministers and then being passed on to the MoJ so they can fob me off.I want real answers to what they are going to do to correct the injustices done to people like myself who, wrongly, received an IPP sentence?

Prisons Minister Rory Stewart

Prisons Minister Rory Stewart has reiterated his promise to resign and I say good riddance . He has not made any  ignificant improvements with IPP prisoners or in lowering levels of violence and drugs in ten of the worst performing prisons in England and Wales.

I'm waiting for him to go he has done nothing to support policy change  for IPP prisoners and has  stated this. He is feeble and lacks back bone. A man was employed to  manage a job who has failed  those created injustices  once more. There has been no update on the so called pilot project to help IPP prisoners since last year. A pilot project they said they was rolling out but where is the evidence? Where are the updates from parole on this Support on helping get out. Has the pilot plains failed due to poor follow ups and lack of transparency ?

PRISONS CRISIS:
2017-2018 almost 50,000 incidents of self-harm // 87 self-inflicted deaths // Record drug finds // 30,000 assaults // 10,000 assaults on staff and it goes on

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Unlawful sentence


An open letter to David Gauke, Rory Stewart and the new CEO of HMPPS, Jo Farrar.

In 2012, the European Court of Human Rights ruled the IPP sentence to be unlawful. The British government accepted this decision and abolished the sentence under the powers of the LASPO Act 2012. You can dress it up as much as you like but the fact is the British government acknowledged that this sentence was unlawful, otherwise they would not have abolished it. It is still an unlawful sentence. My sentence has not been lawful since 2008, when tariffs below 2-years were abolished. Yet, I still remain incarcerated on a recall.
The parole of a high-profile prisoner and the surrounding publicity, plus the sacking of Nick Hardwick has proved that the Parole Board is not independent and direct employees of the MoJ. This also proves that the MoJ, HMPPS and the Parole Board all bow to public and media pressure, and let public opinion be the first choice in their decision-making.
They are all heavily reliant on so-called risk-reduction work and Offending Behaviour Programmes (OBPs), which have been evidenced not to work and, in some cases, have made offenders worse. Even Dr Jo Bailey, lead psychologist for the Operations Directorate HMPPS has stated that all OBPs are voluntary and emphasises that participation in OBPs is neither necessary nor sufficient to achieve release.
The LASPO Act 2012 also introduced the Tariff Expired Removal Scheme (TERS), where any foreign national prisoner serving an IPP sentence will be, in effect, released from prison once they have served their minimum tariff; without the need to do any OBP work, sit any Parole Hearing and they will never get recalled to prison because they are not subject to Life Licence. This, along with the fact that I am being unlawfully detained, means that I want to be released from prison without the need to sit a Parole Hearing, do any OBPs and without any licence conditions – because if my sentence has been ruled unlawful then the licence is unlawful too.
I am prepared to spend the rest of my life in prison because I will not engage with Probation or the parole process. I will not be complicit in this unlawful sentence. I am being detained not for what I have done but for what I might do in the future. This is internment, and I now regard myself as a political prisoner and a hostage to the British State.
Both my grandfathers fought in the war and one died at Dunkirk for this country, which I once loved. But I would renounce my citizenship in a heartbeat if I could find another country willing to accept me. So, what are your plans for someone like me?


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I have attempted to have someone to look at my conviction by sending letters to  David Gauke, Justice Secretary – No Reply.


*I have written to CCRC – Can’t help due to me not having had an appeal turned down.
*Police Complaints – pointless. IOPCC – pointless.
*Local MP Gill Furniss – to no avail.
*Prime Minister – no politician can get involved in a legal case.
*CPS – also pointless.

I tried a local solicitor in Doncaster, they can’t get legal aid to fund a visit to see me. I am 66 years old, of previous good character, and feel angry that I am having seven years of my life stolen
I am unable to get legal aid for an appeal as I own my own home. This takes me over the threshold. I could sell my home to hire a good legal team, however even if my appeal was successful in overturning my convictions, I would end up homeless. As many of you will know, the chances of overturning a conviction are extremely low. I’m frustrated that I find myself in a Catch 22 situation. Like many prisoners I feel my case has several non-disclosure elements.
https://insidetime.org/taking-my-home/

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Gauke’s outlandish parole proposals

Prisoners may have read recently that Justice Secretary David Gauke has said victims of crime in England and Wales will now be given new rights to challenge Parole Board decisions to release life sentence prisoners and violent offenders.

Instead of having to go to court and challenge decisions by way of judicial review, victims will now be able to apply to the MoJ to appeal against decisions. This outlandish and unlawful change in policy has come about following the public outcry last year.
The Secretary of State for Justice is by this action effectively reducing the role of the Parole Board to that of an advisory panel which recommends rather than “directs” release. In practice it will effectively return the release mechanism for indeterminate sentences back into the hands of the executive.
Such arbitrary action is incompatible with article 5(4) of ECHR which requires decisions regarding detention post tariff/minimum term to be carried out by a court like body with the powers re-quired by such a court (see, Thynne, Wilson and Gunnel v UK [1990] 1WLR 134).
It is also unlawful under s116 of LASPO 2012 which stipulates that the Parole Board ‘directs’ rather than recommends release.

For a legal challenge to be successful it must be brought by someone awaiting release as they would have clearer standing.
My advice to any and all lifers is that if a challenge is not brought against this policy, we could be dragged back 30 years to a system whereby Parole Boards were merely consulted by the Justice Secretary as to the suitability of prisoners for release on parole. Think hard and act to prevent this from happening.
Andrew Sperling page 19

https://insidetime.org/gaukes-outlandish-parole-proposals/?fbclid=IwAR1Eeoy2ehoEeU5F-B0S1r9WTWgJkbVpe8XrjenQjMb5yGEiCmM-CNBvJZ4

Even more change

https://insidetime.org/even-more-change-to-the-parole-process/?fbclid=IwAR0-MZQfTsXOZJeQL1Wz43UQ5wziXKVl67P97vc9Jm9L6zgwLTZa9TVgpfc


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We all know that when the IPP sentence was imposed that it was not intended for a prisoner with minor crimes. The Minister of justice is aware of this but continues to manipulate the truth via the media, on risk, to cover up their failings.

IPP Prisoners remained concealed under these deficiencies while inmates go mental to seek justice. I can say I am ashamed and embarrassed off the Minister of justice to “Trap those in a system!
“We are now at a stage where the UK government is defying the will of parliament through persistent failing and slow and timeless cumbersome way of dealing with IPP prisoners.
https://ippfanilycampaign.blogspot.com/2019/03/ipp-prisoners-family-left-in-limbo-by.html?spref=fb&fbclid=IwAR1yo5uJLUHtE-BLWT0p0qZC5mEQQHf-E6dPH5cQzpq0FNLzWxWF1pgV4kI


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Its a large  scale problem that the queen needs queen to be aware of and being her prison. Action is needed.


Like many others, I am sick and tired of writing to MPs and Ministers and then being passed on to the MoJ so they can fob me off.
I want real answers to what they are going to do to correct the injustices done to people like myself who, wrongly, received an IPP sentence? The sentence was designed to retain people who were prolific offenders who kept getting short custodial sentences, and it was in order to give time to deliver the interventions they required to break the cycle. This is my first custodial sentence and I have now served 8-years of a 5-year tariff.
“Never having served a previous custodial sentence, I should not have been given an IPP in the first place. Surely it is an admission that the system does not work if they think an IPP is warranted for someone who has never served a prison sentence?”
How can I have a risk of reoffending within 12-months if I was on unconditional bail for 15-months before I was charged? And in that time, I committed no offences nor breached any of my sign-on rules. I have always fully adhered to previous community orders, yet now apparently I cannot be managed in the community. This is all bull shine and a complete fantasy on their part.
The government need to admit that I, and many others like me, need our sentences revoked and reverted to a standard determinate sentence to correct this. No more talk, we need action. The abolition of IPP should have been retrospective and, by it not being so, the government knowingly and willingly are abusing our family’s human rights as well as ours, yet nobody is doing anything about it.

Comments

Corrigan Couldn't have said it better myself.  

Horton Absolutely spot on.


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The current model for the delivery of probation services in England and Wales is irredeemably flawed, and a major rethink is needed to create a system that is fit for the future, according to Dame Glenys Stacey, in her final annual report before she finishes her three year tenure as Chief Inspector of Probation.
In a lengthy report which cements Dame Glenys’ reputation for straight talking she depicts a sector under exceptional strain:
  • both the public-sector National Probation Service (NPS) and privately-owned Community Rehabilitation Companies (CRCs) are failing to meet some of their performance targets. The NPS is performing better overall, whereas eight out of ten CRCs inspected this year received the lowest possible rating – ‘Inadequate’ – for the implementation and delivery of probation supervision. In too many cases, there is not enough purposeful activity.
  • the probation profession has been diminished. There is a national shortage of qualified probation professionals, and too much reliance on unqualified or agency staff.
  • in the day-to-day work of probation professionals, there has been a drift away from practice informed by evidence. The critical relationship between the individual and the probation worker is not sufficiently protected in the current probation model.
Dame Glenys said: 
Probation must be delivered locally, yet the service is now split at a local level. Despite capable leaders, there has been a deplorable diminution of the probation profession and a widespread move away from practice informed by evidence. This is largely due to the impact of commerce, and contracts that treat probation as a transactional business. Professional ethics can buckle under such pressures, and the evidence we have is that this has happened to some extent.
The Chief Inspector is clear that although the intention to terminate CRC contracts early and move to better-funded and better-structured contracts will improve matters, it will not be enough. 
Any new probation model must focus on quality. In my view, effective probation work is most likely when good leaders are free to manage, motivate and develop professional staff, who are in turn able to build challenging but supportive relationships with offenders. Specialist and local services are also crucial to help offenders turn their lives around.
With the MoJ still in the process of deciding on the form of the next iteration of Transforming Rehabilitation (conflicting messages keep emerging from Petty France about the extent and nature of private sector involvement)  Dame Glenys makes a timely appeal for probation structures to be built on four key design principles:
  1. probation services to be evidence based. Work to reduce reoffending should draw on research and evidence, and new initiatives should be evaluated and the results added to the evidence base.
  2. probation services that meet both the needs of victims and the individuals under supervision. Probation work should be of the right quality, whoever is providing it.
  3. an integrated and professional service. The probation service should have enough qualified professionals with access to the right facilities, services and information (and, where necessary, protections) to enable them to do their jobs well.
  4. a probation service able to command the confidence of the judiciary, victims, the professional staff employed and the wider public.

The report

The report is 108 pages long and divided into two main sections. The first provides a detailed summary of the role and organisation of the probation service. One might think that this is superfluous in an annual report but the section makes sense for two main reasons:
  1. It provides an authoritative and up-to-date description of the work of probation; in itself an invaluable resource as anyone who has ever had to try to explain what probation is for to people from outside (or sometimes even inside) the criminal justice system is likely to agree.
  2. It gives a clear account of the significant changes which have taken place in probation over the last decade, both in terms of government expectations and the demographic and offending histories of those supervised by the service.
The section pulls together the latest data with specially commissioned graphics and will form the basis of another blog post next week. As a taster, see the graphic above which condenses the probation service’s workflow in such a helpful manner.
The second section presents a systematic evaluation of the current provision with an emphasis on the many failings of the current system with a focus on how things need to change. Again, I will provide more details in a subsequent blog post.

Conclusion

This report is written explicitly to urge ministers to redesign the probation service in line with the principles set out above. Taken with the recent National Audit Office report which also highlights the dangers of a split service, the MoJ will find it hard to argue that it has not received helpful advice on the future of probation. The aspect of Dame Gleny’s report which I personally find most heartening is her insistence that for many years probation worked well and that if the new system allows probation staff to use their experience and skills and focus on their interactions with the offenders they supervise (rather than have an eye on the requirements of commercial contracts), it will do so again. I will leave the last word to the outgoing Chief Inspector: 
 Services of the right quality are most likely if probation leaders are able to lead, motivate, engage and develop a sufficient number of probation professionals who in turn can exercise their professional judgement in each case and tailor supervision in each case, with access to a range of specialist services to meet needs in each case. Leaders can then be held fully to account for delivery, for the service’s adherence to the evidence base and for value for money.
Experience has shown that it is incredibly difficult, if not impossible to reduce the probation service to a set of contractual measures. I urge the government to consider carefully the future model for probation services.
In the interests of transparency, I should declare that I am a member of the HMI Probation Advisory Board. https://mailchi.mp/russellwebster/dgs19?e=20b779e6c8

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‘I’m afraid of being stuck here and I’m afraid of getting out’


A new study of women serving indeterminate sentences has called on the government to convert imprisonment for public protection (IPP) sentences to fixed terms sentences, and to reverse the burden of proof on parole boards so they have to demonstrate prisoners pose a risk.
The research for the Griffin Society by solicitor Sarah Smart provides the first empirical study of women IPP prisoners drawing on interviews with nine women. Smart works for Women in Prison. Each of the prisoners she interviewed had served at least twice her tariff and one had served eleven times her tariff. Despite IPPs, introduced by New Labour under the Criminal Justice Act 2003, being scrapped in 2012, there are still nearly 2,600 prisoners locked up under the old discredited regime.
continued
* https://www.thejusticegap.com/im-afraid-of-being-stuck-here-and-im-afraid-of-getting-out/?fbclid=IwAR300f2pnYLhqcgxB7rPA1JMHFErY5LPgw-a0gbn-MTRrMZu96NPCcYeyl4

*https://mailchi.mp/russellwebster/womenipp?e=20b779e6c8&fbclid=IwAR1e44Jwk0fncoMWrw3Q2YOg9xblXAyxRAXw4z2sYPiHPF1sopwMBXTPCUM

Jez The sentence is abhorrent and the damage its causing is irreversible. In my view the sentence doesn’t discriminate on gender, if you are on it the effects are potentially catastrophic regardless of gender and spread across to friends and family as well


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Pages 70 to 72 are about IPPs.

https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/cmselect/cmjust/483/483.pdf?fbclid=IwAR3DcoIlTQ-A8qcn2VTgQyQHCSzxNSuQ2KHc6uT7_4PbFxCLbOhqN-IMw1k


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A matter of perspective

Evan P – HMP Lewes
I’ve spent over three years in prison now and have found that as time passes, my views on the justice system in our country have slowly started to shift. There are undoubtedly serious problems with British justice, not least the recent disclosure scandal. The inhumane IPP Sentence and the stain that we know as “Double Jeopardy”.
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Making addicts

Harder time, Having been in prison for 4-years, I have come to realise the natural progression of prison life; that bad prisoners get moved off the wing, either to the block or other prisons, leaving the quiet, long-term prisoners in peace.
But it would appear that the governors here are not happy with this situation, their attitude is to put the troublemakers in with the quiet model prisoners in the hope that some sense might rub off on the troublemakers. Forgive my language, but this is total horseshit. All the bad prisoners do is bully the quiet ones, extort money and cause mayhem for everyone.
They smoke Spice, set light to their cells, urinate on the landings, etc. When will the governors realise that all they are doing is causing grief for prisoners and staff alike? Spice addicts should all be on a separate wing so that they can be monitored and helped to get off this evil substance, not helped to buy more. All we seem to do is go around in moronic circles.

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Prisons often lack accessibility for those with disabilities Older and Disabled Prisoners  Rory Stewart has no duty of care  but and though failing is still paid?

This project seeks to reform inadequate prison healthcare services, advocating for the protection of older and disabled prisoners in England and Wales. Currently, the prison system lacks sufficient staffing and resources necessary to secure prisoners' right to health. By providing free legal advice and support through telephone, mail, and face-to-face outreach clinics, PAS will ensure that the medical and healthcare needs of chronically ill, disabled and older prisoners are rightfully met.
 

Challenge

People 60 years and older are the fastest growing age demographic in the prison system, yet are often overlooked and underrepresented. This increase creates a need for more specialized, long term healthcare, as 60% of older prisoners report having a chronic illness or disability. PAS regularly sees these conditions ignored, medical appointments cancelled, and treatments delayed, with mental and physical health issues exacerbated. Prisoners' right to health must no longer be neglected.

Solution

Through the legal expertise and intervention of our lawyers, we will advocate for prisoner health to be properly assessed, with basic healthcare services, like seeing a GP or dentist, provided in a timely manner. Prisons often lack accessibility for those with disabilities and fail to provide medical services for older prisoners requiring special care. We aim to support these prisoners who suffer from poor health services by ensuring that auxiliary aids, wheelchair access, and specialized care.

Long-Term Impact

Potential long term impacts include: (1) Creating a safe and healthy environment for all prisoners so they may rehabilitate in prison and after their sentence is served; (2) Maintaining a lifestyle post-conviction that is free from addiction, infection, and disability that may be prevented through reformed Prison Health Services; (3) Improved mental health and physical well-being for all prisoners through shorter hours spent in cells, timely medical appointments, and proper auxiliary aids.Additional DocumentationThis project has provided additional documentation in a PDF file (projdoc.pdf).https://www.globalgiving.org/projects/legal-advice-for-prisoners/?fbclid=IwAR0uBwfz8f5_DUPnr1amJitMcsaZrI6XsSuVnw8LhT80hg7LRuZyoK5PmWs


In-cell phones

It is promising to see that David Gauke and the Ministry of Justice wish to improve family ties. Their solution to this being a ten-million-pound expenditure on in-cell telephones. Let’s look at this closer. Whilst it will mean improved accessibility to a phone, at times when families are more likely to be home (e.g. after 6pm) call costs in comparison to prisoner’s wages will mean many prisoners cannot afford to utilize their in-cell phones.
Particularly in adult prisons where call costs are almost double that of costs in young-offenders units. Who says age discrimination doesn’t exist in the prison system? Next, why install archaic technology/ why not install a fibre optic line and put in up to date IT. Yes, we all know how panic stricken the public and Neanderthal prison management are about prisoners accessing the IT. Like it or not though, in-cell IT across the prison estate will happen sooner rather than later. Plus, the benefits will outweigh the ill-perceived negatives. Prisoners held hundreds of miles from family could use Skype type services instead of visits. Email would all but replace prisoners’ letters, reducing the need of censor’s departments.
Prisoners could access on-line education courses – the only proven method of reducing re-offending. Internal applications etc. could be completed online freeing up wing staff’s time. Contact with probation would be greatly increased and improved, reducing costs to the public purse. Lastly, aspects of rehabilitation courses could be run on-line reducing the need for so many prison psychologists, yet another saving to the public purse. Whilst creating greater accessibility for prisoners.
So, Mr Gauke if you really do wish to introduce measures to improve prisons and reduce re-offending, do it properly and install modern technology. Not only will it help achieve your aims in a superior manner, it will save the prison system and the public purse millions of pounds each year in the long run.

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The plight of women on indeterminate prison sentences (IPPs)



New Griffins Society research examines the impact of women stuck in prison having served more than twice their IPP tariff.

New research by Sarah Smart for the Griffins Society sheds a light on women serving Indeterminate Sentences of Imprisonment for Public Protection (IPPs). I’ve had the privilege of talking to Sarah who undertook detailed face-to-face interviews with nine women all of whom remain in prison having served at least twice and as many as eleven (yes, 11 – that’s not a typo) times their tariff and it’s fair to say that the research makes for a very disturbing read.
Everyone (including the government) acknowledges that IPPs are unjust but those sentenced to indeterminate sentences are still bound by the original legislation, even though it was repealed in 2012.
I summarise the main findings below but don’t feel that I’ve been able to convey fully the plight of these women and urge interested readers to consult the full report.

Findings

  • All of the women spoke about the lack of information on IPP at the time of sentencing and their continued struggle to understand the sentence.
  • All of the women distinguished their tariff lengths (which they all judged as fair) from the length of time actually spent in custody. The indeterminate element was what caused most frustration and affected their ability to progress.
  • There were widespread feelings of anger that the sentence had been abolished, but they were still in custody. This led to lack of confidence in the system and affected willingness to engage.
  • The women all experienced significant losses during their sentence, with five of the nine losing children into local authority care. Five of the nine had also experienced significant bereavements in the post-tariff period of their sentence.
  • All of the women spoke about the adverse effect of the sentence on their mental health, which affected their ability to engage in regime and risk reduction work – it is only by being assessed as engaging fully in this work that they are likely to be recommended for release.
  • Six of the nine women had tried to commit suicide multiple times during the sentence.
  • Accessing interventions was problematic due to poor availability, including lack of appropriate courses, and past trauma and anxiety making it difficult to engage.
  • Parole Board hearings were immensely stressful for the women and three had a majority of paper hearings, despite being entitled to oral hearings. The approach of individual boards had an impact on the women and their perception of due process.
  • All the women said that simply ‘having a date’ would make the most difference.
© Andy Aitchison

Case study

I have reproduced in full below a case study of one of the nine women; Bessie is not her real name.
Bessie’s case highlights some particular issues around early intervention, missed opportunities and special needs. Bessie presented as intensely vulnerable and described herself as a “quiet, shy person” who was “picked on and bullied a lot” at school. She was sent to a special school for secondary schooling but the promised 1-1 help never materialised. At 11, she was referred by her school for an autism screening, but her father did not pursue this due to his view that she would “get over it”. After school, she found employment, but got involved in a coercive relationship and then began drinking heavily. She turned to sex work to fund her alcoholism. Her mother died and soon after she became pregnant. Having given birth, she had no local family support and a lack of professional support and quickly became overwhelmed. She was on medication for depression. She attempted suicide, and was referred for specialist support, but as a single mother struggled to make the appointments due to having to get three different buses and finding care for her baby, so only went 3 or 4 times. So began the descent into chaos that led to her index offence.
Five years over her tariff, she became ill and had to go out for treatment, which challenged her institutionalisation:
It wasn’t until I started going out to hospital that I realised “Oh there is an outside here.” Because…this was like the first car I’d been out in, I dunno, years, and going into the hospital and smelling the coffee. My mates warned me at first saying, “Oh you’ll probably have children staring at you because you’ve got handcuffs”, but it didn’t
bother me, it gave me a lift, like a buzzing feeling, like a happy feeling that there is an outside, there is chance of getting outside and then that made me talk when I was on the TC.” [before I felt] “I don’t want to go out, what’s the point of going out?” but then, having seen the outside world, she felt “Yes, there is something going on out there which I could quite easily fit back in. So, it’s completely opened me up and I think there’s a difference there.
Bessie shows how institutionalisation had affected her ability to engage with interventions. An additional barrier
to progress for Bessie was her undiagnosed autism. This was finally diagnosed last year, 10 years into her
sentence. She has since received some specific support from psychologists around understanding and expressing emotions and social interacting, but before this was unable to effectively access interventions, as her 7 years over tariff demonstrate.

Recommendations

The report calls for the MoJ to convert all  or at least some IPP sentences to a fixed term sentence and make provision for all or some post-tariff prisoners to be released by a certain date. It also makes a set of recommendations for managing IPP prisoners:
  • Each prison should have a designated IPP caseworker in recognition of the complex needs of this group of prisoners.
  • Professionals who work with IPP prisoners should talk with women about the lived reality of serving an IPP sentence and consider their feelings and experiences in their casework.
  • Training for professionals supporting IPP prisoners should be developed in collaboration with IPP prisoners and their families.
  • Specific materials and programmes to address female sex offending behaviour and facilitate risk reduction should be developed.
  • The Parole Board should monitor the number of IPP prisoners choosing paper parole decisions.
  • HMPPS should ensure that IPP women over tariff who have been reviewed at national level are informed of this fact and updated about progress and additional reviews.
  • Other avenues of support should be investigated by prisons in recognition that Offending Behaviour Programmes may not necessarily, or solely, remove barriers to release.
  • Mental health and offending risk needs should be integrated into programmes of help that can be evaluated and rolled out in joint work between NOMS and health providers in prisons.
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David Gauke’s ‘landmark reform’ what a about policy change for IPP prisons you can start there.


Victims still have no veto on decisions to release

Under the new plans, victims who want to challenge a decision to release a particular prisoner would be able to apply to the Justice Secretary, on the basis that the ruling was “fundamentally flawed”. The case would initially be examined by officials at HM Prison and Probation Service, an agency of the Ministry of Justice, who will consider whether there could have been serious mistakes or legal flaws in the ruling. If the Justice Secretary decides that there is a case for the decision to be reviewed he will refer the appeal to a judge at the Parole Board. The judge would apply similar thresholds to the bar needed to successfully launch a judicial review, based on illegality, irrationality and procedural unfairness, according to officials.
The judge would be able to either ask the original panel to review its decision or order a fresh hearing by a new panel. The new system will apply from this summer to those with the most serious convictions, particularly those serving indeterminate sentences.

Hope for progress – We want to be fair and make confident decisions based on evidence and common sense, says CEO of the Parole Board for England and Wales Martin Jones
Prior to the recent announcement of changes to the parole system of England and Wales by Justice Secretary David Gauke, I met up with Parole Board chief Martin Jones at the Board’s new offices in London’s Canary Wharf. I’d interviewed both previous Chairs of the Parole Board for the Guardian newspaper and for Inside Time. Sir David Calvert-Smith, a former Director of Public Prosecutions and High Court Judge was Chair from 2012 to 2016. He was followed by Professor Nick Hardwick, a former Chief Inspector of Prisons who was Chair until he was sacked by David Gauke in March 2018 following a controversial decision by the Board to release a high profile prisoner. The current Chair is Caroline Corby, a former non-executive director of the Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC) and children’s fiction writer.

The first thing I ask Martin Jones when we meet was ‘what is the difference between the role of the Chair of the Board and his role as Chief Executive Officer (CEO)?’ “The way I would describe the difference in the roles is I’m full-time. I’m here five days a week, sometimes seven days a week, running the organisation day to day. I’m responsible for ensuring we’re running the show properly, getting hearings on in good time, ensuring we manage our performance and spending our money well, money that we get from the public. And then the Chair is responsible most of all for the overall strategy of the organisation. They tend to be here one or two days a week. They will quite often be the media face of the organisation.”
As a journalist, I’ve been aware that in the three years he’s been CEO he has generally managed to stay under the public radar. “Absolutely,” he says. “Ideally, you would just see the organisation functioning well and I should not be visible. Obviously when I go to give evidence at Parliamentary Select Committees I am visible and get brought along because I understand best the workings of the organisation.”

Diversity
The Parole Board attracts criticism for many reasons I say, but one really important thing is the obvious lack of diversity among panel members. The Board is too white, too middle-class and hardly representative of the people it has to make often life-changing decisions about. Inside Time regularly gets letters precisely to that effect, I tell him. “I have to say that I don’t think our diversity make-up is good enough,” he says.

“At the moment less than five per cent of Board members are from a Black or Minority Ethnic background. That’s incredibly low when you look at the make-up of the general population, and indeed the prison population – yet we know there is significant over-representation from those groups in our prisons. That means if you are a Black or Asian prisoner applying for parole there is virtually no prospect of you seeing anyone other than a white person to determine your liberty. I think that goes right to the heart of confidence in the system. Whilst I’m absolutely sure that all of our members are trained to make independent, impartial decisions I think there’s just a perception problem. So we’ve launched a new recruitment campaign and we’re absolutely determined to get better results. The way we are doing that is two-fold: we’ve completely re-engineered the process to make sure we get the best possible candidates; and we’ve been running a whole series of outreach activities in an effort to attract more applicants from those under-represented communities. The next recruitment campaign is going to be more regional than national. We’re recruiting particularly in the north east and north west of England where we need quite urgently to get new members in. We believe that way we can make some real difference in our diversity make-up.”

Paid or not paid?
I always wondered if Parole Board members were paid, and how many of them there are. “Currently we have around 240 members making the decisions,” he says. “They are public appointed; appointed ultimately by ministers and they are paid a daily rate. Some are judges, but the majority are simply independent members. You don’t need to come from the criminal justice system to be a Parole Board member.” What about ‘Lay members’? “We’re quite egalitarian,” he says, “All members get paid exactly the same as judges. The reality is there is an element of law about our decisions, but actually it’s about common sense – looking at the evidence and making a fair decision. We provide detailed training on how to do it. But in reality it’s listening to people.” So how exactly does a panel judge whether someone is safe to be let out into the community? “We have a statuary release test that we have to apply in every case,” he says, “And that release test is whether the parole applicant’s continued detention is necessary for the protection of the public. We are dealing with people, and the Parole Board only deals with people who have committed serious offences.”

Risk
“Generally speaking, it’s the most difficult twenty-five per cent of the prison population who come before us. When we deal with those cases we look at three things. We look at the offence: what’s the person’s background, what’s their history, why are they in prison? Then we look at who is the person today? And I’m a firm believer that people are capable of change. We have to look at the risk they present today, not the risk they presented ten, twenty or thirty years ago. And finally we have to look at the future. A key point for me is that out there I don’t think that anyone is risk free – I don’t think I’m risk free. I think there could be circumstances in which anybody could be involved in a serious incident. For us deciding to release someone from prison is how do we manage that risk out here? The Parole Board releases thousands of people every year, and we know, if you look at the figures, the rate at which our decisions prove to be wrong, where people commit a serious offence after we’ve made a decision to release them, is a fraction of one per cent. 99.5 per cent of our decisions prove to be right. That should give people confidence in our decision-making process. Ideally we’d want a zero failure rate, but we do make these decisions incredibly carefully. We have to do so in a way that’s fair, for the prisoner and for victims and the public.”

Hope for IPPs
There are still thousands of people in prison serving Imprisonment for Public Protection (IPP) – a sentence which has been abolished. It seems profoundly unfair, I say, that someone serving a mandatory life sentence is better placed to make progress than someone serving a discretionary life sentence, which effectively an IPP order is. Those serving an IPP now surely are in the most need of hope. Is there anything hopeful for them in the pipeline? “My assessment is that the legacy of IPPs is a legacy of failure. The sentence itself failed. The fact that it was only in place for six years I think is a pretty damning indictment of the problems that beset the IPP sentence right from the off. I do think it’s left a dreadful legacy. I do feel extremely sorry for people who got scooped up in that sentence. The amount of time many of them have been in prison completely outweighs the seriousness of the offence they committed. But I think there is hope. The hope I would give people is this – the Parole Board has released more IPP prisoners over the last three years than it ever has before. The number of IPPs is now down by sixty per cent over the last five years. I think that’s real progress. Clearly we can’t reach back and repair the damage of the past. But we have encouraged our members to take an honest view using the test, as I said before, of looking at real risk. For somebody that’s been in prison for ten years longer than expected, unsurprisingly their behaviour in prison can be chaotic.  Prison itself is not good for your mental health.”

Stuck in the middle
“Parole Board members have received extensive material on the reality of the IPP sentence. Ultimately, our decision has to be about risk. Some IPP prisoners should not have got the sentence in the first place, that’s pretty clear to everybody. I think there is a hard core of people who have committed really grave offences who probably would have got a discretionary life sentence had the IPP not been available. But my real concern are those who are stuck in the middle, stuck by virtue of the sentence, caught in this really difficult circle. What the Parole Board has been doing has been encouraging members to take a much more problem-solving approach. In other words, what are the obstacles in the way of that prisoner being progressed, and that has reaped some dividends for us.

The way out
“One prison I rate really highly is Warren Hill. They have a Progression Regime there where really, really positive work is going on identifying prisoners who have repeatedly failed at parole hearings, working on preparations for release – and actually what they have found is a much higher release date than what would have been expected in an ordinary regime. That regime is being extended to other parts of the country. I’m absolutely certain by doing this we will be giving those people hope. When I went to Warren Hill and spoke to prisoners that’s exactly what they told me. One said, ‘Until I arrived here and began this work I had no hope, but now I can see a way out of this sentence.”

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 last year  HM Inspectorate of Prisons is to carry out the first Independent Review of Progress (IRP) of prisons where inspections have revealed ‘serious concerns’ Following a damning report showing little improvement of conditions seen but we prisoners and family have not seen any significant change or urgency. https://insidetime.org/still-much-to-do/

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https://mailchi.mp/russellwebster/dgs19?e=20b779e6c8&fbclid=IwAR0Wrm8DIZyCdUOoDTsjkQLUWwOT40TB3wgJZVqj-4JUevOP0BzIs8lGFjE

https://insidetime.org/unlawful-sentence/
https://insidetime.org/parole-revolution-justice-secretary-david-gaukes-landmark-reform/
https://insidetime.org/mailbites-april-2019/

http://guerillawire.org/justice/the-plight-of-women-on-indeterminate-prison-sentences-ipps/