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Monday 21 October 2024

Top judge calls for the government to take responsibility for the “morally wrong” punishment.Call for free vote on bill to end ‘living nightmare.

  Britain’s former top judge has backed The Independent’s campaign for prisoners serving indefinite jail terms to have their sentences reviewed, and called for the government to take responsibility for the “morally wrong” punishment.

John Thomas, a member of the House of Lords who served as lord chief justice from 2013 to 2017, fears that without action, those sent down under abolished imprisonment for public protection (IPP) sentences will be “left to rot” serving a jail term that is “inherently unfair”.

eacting to a series of shocking injustices highlighted by The Independent – including the case of James Lawrence, a father who is still in prison 18 years after he was handed an eight-month jail term for threatening someone with a fake gun – Lord Thomas said: “You just can’t keep people locked up in case they do something.”

Former lord chief justice John Thomas has demanded action over ‘morally wrong’ IPP jail terms (B21/House of Lords)


The controversial sentences – under which offenders were handed a minimum jail term but no maximum – were ditched amid human rights concerns in 2012, seven years after they were introduced by New Labour in a bid to be tough on crime.

Despite the sentencing protocol being widely condemned, including by the UN, its abolition did not apply retrospectively, leaving thousands trapped with no release date until the Parole Board deems them safe to be let out.

Of the 2,734 IPP prisoners still incarcerated, more than 700 have served over 10 years longer than their minimum term. At least 90 IPP prisoners have taken their own lives.

Successive governments have resisted calls for IPP prisoners to be resentenced, citing fears that this could lead to potentially dangerous offenders being released into the community.

However, crossbench peer Lord Thomas, 76, believes there is significant evidence that prolonged incarceration with no hope of release is exacerbating the problem by causing prisoners harm and making them more dangerous.

“I think everyone accepts this punishment was a mistake,” he said. “It’s just morally wrong.”

 

 


IPP prisoner James Lawrence, 38, has served almost 18 years after he was originally given an eight-month jail term (Mandy Lawrence)

With the Labour government not expected to support a recent resentencing bill tabled in the House of Lords, Lord Thomas has called for changes to the parole release test with a renewed focus on the proportionality of the punishment to the crime.

He said that dealing with the problem will require “political courage”, adding: “You take risks when it’s necessary to be fair, and these people have been treated really, really badly.”

He continued: “You can’t say, ‘Oh, they have been in a long time and now they are dangerous – and because we have made them dangerous, we can’t release them.’ I mean, you have to accept a degree of state responsibility. However you look at it, it is the state that’s caused this problem.”

The legal expert is one of five former top judges to call for urgent and decisive action to safely release all IPP prisoners amid the prison overcrowding crisis, in a recent report on sentence inflation.

The report said that sentence lengths have roughly doubled over the past 50 years, contributing to an overcrowding crisis that has left prisons failing to rehabilitate offenders effectively.

“The blunt truth is, we spend too much keeping people in prison rather than spending it keeping them out of prison,” Lord Thomas said.

He has also added his weight to The Independent’s campaign for IPP prisoners to have their sentences reviewed following a string of heartbreaking cases, including that of Thomas White, who set himself alight after serving more than 12 years for stealing a mobile phone, and Abdullahi Suleman, who has spent 19 years behind bars for a laptop robbery.

Lord Thomas said that if those prisoners had committed the same crimes today, or at any date after the jail term was abolished, they would have received a fixed sentence and long since been released.

“These people are just unlucky that their crime was in that seven-year period that this sentence was in force,” he added.

 

The former lord chief justice says IPP jail terms are ‘inherently unfair’ (PA)


He said he believes the public will support reform despite political fears of a backlash should a released prisoner go on to commit a serious offence.

“You just can’t keep people locked up in case they do something,” he said. “It requires you to acknowledge the fundamental unfairness of what has happened, but added to which is the responsibility of the state for creating that unfairness.”

He also hit out at the recall merry-go-round experienced by many IPP prisoners, who can be hauled back to prison for minor breaches of their strict licence conditions.

He said it has left released IPP prisoners like a “puppet on a string”, as they are vulnerable to malicious or unfounded allegations that can see them recalled to prison for years longer.

Although reforms introduced before the general election, reducing the mandatory licence period from 10 years to three, are a welcome step, Lord Thomas warned that they do nothing for those “unfortunate” prisoners who have never been released.

He added: “It’s an injustice in the sense that there is this group of people who suffered a sentence that we have since recognised to be wrong, where there’s reasonably strong evidence that it harms them, yet the people who bear the consequences are the prisoners themselves and not the state.

“And accepting state responsibility, I think, enables you to say that, although the state has a duty to protect people, it also has a duty to render to those who have suffered injustice at our hands.”

Andrew Neilson, director of campaigns at the Howard League for Penal Reform, said: “The IPP scandal is still a long way from being resolved, and the sentence continues to inflict misery on thousands of people still trapped in the prison system, and their families.

“The Howard League continues to work for and alongside those directly affected by this disastrous sentence, and we have been thrilled that our recently established IPP hotline has already been able to provide help and support to so many.

“We will continue to campaign and make the case for urgent IPP reform, and continue our work to address the plight of people still languishing in custody.”

A Ministry of Justice spokesperson said: “It is right that IPP sentences were abolished. We are significantly shortening licence periods for rehabilitated offenders, to give them the chance to move on with their lives.

“With public protection as the number one priority, the lord chancellor is working with organisations and campaign groups to ensure appropriate action is taken to support those still serving these sentences.”

The Howard League is operating a confidential legal advice hotline for those with questions about changes to the IPP licence period. It will run until 18 December on 01209 701888

If you are experiencing feelings of distress, or are struggling to cope, you can speak to the Samaritans, in confidence, on 116 123 (UK and ROI), email jo@samaritans.org, or visit the Samaritans website to find details of your nearest branch 

From news to politics, travel to sport, culture to climate – The Independent has a host of free newsletters to suit your interests. To find the stories you want to read, and more, in your inbox, click here.

Further link 'Torture sentences' that consign some of Britain's most wronged prisoners to decades behind bars | ITV News

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IPP scandal: Call for free vote on bill to end ‘living nightmare’ of indefinite jail terms


Lord Blunkett and the chair of Prison Officers Association have backed a private member’s bill for almost 3,000 IPP prisoners to be resentenced

 

A peer has called for a free vote on a new bill to end the “living nightmare” of indefinite jail terms by resentencing all IPP prisoners.

Lord Woodley has introduced a private member’s bill to help prisoners trapped under an abolished imprisonment for public protection (IPP) sentence with no hope of release.

The Labour peer branded the jail terms “torture sentences” and said keeping almost 3,000 prisoners locked up under an abolished jail term in the midst of a prison overcrowding crisis “makes no sense at all”.

The bill comes after The Independent has repeatedly called for all IPP prisoners to have their sentences reviewed.

It has already been backed by the architect of the flawed sentence, Lord Blunkett, the chair of the Prison Officers Association and campaigners.

It comes amid growing pressure on the government to resentence IPP prisoners after at least 90 inmates have taken their own lives under the jail term, which has been branded “psychological torture” by the UN.

In 2022, the cross-party justice select committee urged the then-Tory government to resentence all IPP prisoners, but this was rejected.

 Lord Blunkett and the chair of Prison Officers Association have backed a private member’s bill for almost 3,000 IPP prisoners to be resentenced

 

A peer has called for a free vote on a new bill to end the “living nightmare” of indefinite jail terms by resentencing all IPP prisoners.

Lord Woodley has introduced a private member’s bill to help prisoners trapped under an abolished imprisonment for public protection (IPP) sentence with no hope of release.

The Labour peer branded the jail terms “torture sentences” and said keeping almost 3,000 prisoners locked up under an abolished jail term in the midst of a prison overcrowding crisis “makes no sense at all”.

The bill comes after The Independent has repeatedly called for all IPP prisoners to have their sentences reviewed.

It has already been backed by the architect of the flawed sentence, Lord Blunkett, the chair of the Prison Officers Association and campaigners.

It comes amid growing pressure on the government to resentence IPP prisoners after at least 90 inmates have taken their own lives under the jail term, which has been branded “psychological torture” by the UN.

In 2022, the cross-party justice select committee urged the then-Tory government to resentence all IPP prisoners, but this was rejected.    

 


David Blunkett is backing the resentencing bill for IPP prisoners (PA)


Lord Woodley told The Independent: “There’s wide support for my bill from across parliament and, deep down, everyone knows that resentencing is the only way ultimately to resolve this terrible miscarriage of justice, as parliament’s own justice select committee made clear.

“And in the midst of an appalling prison overcrowding crisis, having almost 3,000 people locked up on IPPs with no end in sight makes absolutely no sense at all.

“This is a problem created by parliament, and it should be up to parliament to fix it – ideally with a free vote so parliamentarians can vote with their consciences.”

IPP jail terms were introduced under New Labour in 2005 and saw offenders given a minimum tariff but no maximum. They were scrapped in 2012 amid human rights concerns, but not for people already detained.

Of 2,734 remaining IPP prisoners, more than 700 have served more than 10 years longer than their minimum tariff.

These include tragic injustices highlighted by The Independent such as those of Thomas White, who set himself alight after serving more than 12 years for stealing a mobile phone, and Abdullahi Suleman, who has spent 19 years behind bars for a laptop robbery.

Yusuf Ali has twice starved himself in desperation after serving 16 years after being handed a three-year minimum tariff.

 

IPP prisoner Thomas White with his son Kayden, aged just 10 months (Margaret White)


“I understand the concerns about public protection, but the state is able to put measures in place to manage any risk effectively, and a civilised society doesn’t lock up people for life for stealing a mobile phone,” Lord Woodley added.

“At the end of the day, the government will respond to public pressure, so the more people who are outraged by these appalling torture sentences, the more likely it is the government will act decisively and end this living nightmare.”

Lord Blunkett, who admits he regrets introducing the jail terms as home secretary under Tony Blair, said: “I’m really pleased that Lord Woodley has chosen to present a private member’s bill which gives yet another opportunity to raise the plight of those who, in particular, have never been released following their original sentence for imprisonment for public protection.

“This will allow us to both support the new government in implementing the measures agreed on the eve of calling the general election back in May, and to explore other possibilities for genuine progression.”

Mark Fairhurst, national chair at the Prison Officers Association, also backed the resentencing bill, warning: “No civilised society should allow this wrongdoing to continue.”

He added: “Now is the time to enact the recommendations from the justice select committee and initiate a resentencing exercise for those prisoners serving indeterminate sentences for public protection.

“In effect, this cohort of prisoners have served a life sentence without a release date. We need to correct this injustice.”

 

IPP prisoner Yusuf Ali, now 50, has been driven to hunger strikes as he loses hope of ever being freed (Jacqueline Ali)


Their calls come as thousands of other prisoners are set to be released in a scheme starting this week after serving just 40 per cent of their sentences in a bid to ease prison overcrowding.

However campaigners say addressing the IPP injustice could empty up to four entire adult prisons.

Richard Garside, director of the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies, added: “Even if the government sorts out the short-term prison capacity, they still face further capacity pressures in the coming few years.

“Resentencing all those subject to the IPP sentence will go some way to heading off the medium-term prison capacity crisis that is headed the government’s way.”

Justice secretary Shabana Mahmood last week announced a planned reduction to the IPP licence period from 10 to three years will be introduced in a phased approach from 1 November.

“I want to make progress towards a safe and sustainable release for those serving the IPP sentence, but not in a way that impacts public protection,” she said. “Commencing these measures is the first step in doing so.

“I will continue to monitor progress in this area, and the government plans to consult expert organisations to ensure the right course of action is taken to support those serving IPP sentences.”

Lord Woodley told The Independent: “There’s wide support for my bill from across parliament and, deep down, everyone knows that resentencing is the only way ultimately to resolve this terrible miscarriage of justice, as parliament’s own justice select committee made clear.

“And in the midst of an appalling prison overcrowding crisis, having almost 3,000 people locked up on IPPs with no end in sight makes absolutely no sense at all.

“This is a problem created by parliament, and it should be up to parliament to fix it – ideally with a free vote so parliamentarians can vote with their consciences.”

IPP jail terms were introduced under New Labour in 2005 and saw offenders given a minimum tariff but no maximum. They were scrapped in 2012 amid human rights concerns, but not for people already detained.

Of 2,734 remaining IPP prisoners, more than 700 have served more than 10 years longer than their minimum tariff.

These include tragic injustices highlighted by The Independent such as those of Thomas White, who set himself alight after serving more than 12 years for stealing a mobile phone, and Abdullahi Suleman, who has spent 19 years behind bars for a laptop robbery.

Yusuf Ali has twice starved himself in desperation after serving 16 years after being handed a three-year minimum tariff.

 

IPP prisoner Thomas White with his son Kayden, aged just 10 months (Margaret White)

“I understand the concerns about public protection, but the state is able to put measures in place to manage any risk effectively, and a civilised society doesn’t lock up people for life for stealing a mobile phone,” Lord Woodley added.

“At the end of the day, the government will respond to public pressure, so the more people who are outraged by these appalling torture sentences, the more likely it is the government will act decisively and end this living nightmare.”

Lord Blunkett, who admits he regrets introducing the jail terms as home secretary under Tony Blair, said: “I’m really pleased that Lord Woodley has chosen to present a private member’s bill which gives yet another opportunity to raise the plight of those who, in particular, have never been released following their original sentence for imprisonment for public protection.

“This will allow us to both support the new government in implementing the measures agreed on the eve of calling the general election back in May, and to explore other possibilities for genuine progression.”

Mark Fairhurst, national chair at the Prison Officers Association, also backed the resentencing bill, warning: “No civilised society should allow this wrongdoing to continue.”

He added: “Now is the time to enact the recommendations from the justice select committee and initiate a resentencing exercise for those prisoners serving indeterminate sentences for public protection.

“In effect, this cohort of prisoners have served a life sentence without a release date. We need to correct this injustice.”

 

IPP prisoner Yusuf Ali, now 50, has been driven to hunger strikes as he loses hope of ever being freed (Jacqueline Ali)

Their calls come as thousands of other prisoners are set to be released in a scheme starting this week after serving just 40 per cent of their sentences in a bid to ease prison overcrowding.

However campaigners say addressing the IPP injustice could empty up to four entire adult prisons.

Richard Garside, director of the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies, added: “Even if the government sorts out the short-term prison capacity, they still face further capacity pressures in the coming few years.

“Resentencing all those subject to the IPP sentence will go some way to heading off the medium-term prison capacity crisis that is headed the government’s way.”

Justice secretary Shabana Mahmood last week announced a planned reduction to the IPP licence period from 10 to three years will be introduced in a phased approach from 1 November.

“I want to make progress towards a safe and sustainable release for those serving the IPP sentence, but not in a way that impacts public protection,” she said. “Commencing these measures is the first step in doing so.

“I will continue to monitor progress in this area, and the government plans to consult expert organisations to ensure the right course of action is taken to support those serving IPP sentences.”


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Families across Britain have been left desperate, tormented and terrified their loved ones will see no other way out but to kill themselves as they continue their "torture sentence" 

Thousands of people are currently locked up in UK prisons, without hope of being released - under a sentence that was abolished more than a decade ago.

These prisoners have been left languishing in a "Kafka-esque" state, feeling hopeless and despairing for almost two decades - in some cases, for relatively minor crimes such as stealing a mobile phone.

ITV News spoke to prisoners and their families involved in the campaign for justice, as well as politicians fighting to help the "orphans stuck in this system".

 

Exhibition from IPP campaign group UNGRIPP calling for an end to IPP sentences which took place at the House of Commons in JulyCredit: Photo by Andy Aitchison


Exhibition from IPP campaign group UNGRIPP calling for an end to IPP sentences which took place at the House of Commons in July. Credit: Photo by Andy Aitchison

What is the IPP sentence? And why is it so contentious?

These inmates are serving Imprisonment for Public Protection (IPP) sentences which are indeterminate sentences given to serious offenders who pose a significant risk of serious harm to the public.

The IPP sentence was abolished in 2012, but thousands are still languishing in prison with no end date in sight.

The sentence, created in 2003 and brought into force in April 2005, was designed to protect the public from serious offenders whose crimes did not merit a life sentence.

Essentially, it meant even after serving a minimum term, IPP prisoners could be held indefinitely if considered a risk.

The problem was the sentence, created by then Labour home secretary David Blunkett, was intended for a limited number of serious offenders - around 800.

It ended up being applied to 10 times that amount - with 8,711 individuals given these minimum terms ranging from 28 days to two years.

Despite its abolishment in 2012, there were no retrospective changes for the individuals who had already been sentenced under the legislation - leaving thousands of serving IPPs trapped in a system for years beyond their original tariff. 

 


A graphic showing how many IPP sentences were given out before it was abolished in 2012


At the end of last year, there were still a total of 2,892 IPP prisoners in England and Wales - with 48% of those (1,394) having never been released.

These prisoners can only be released if they are no longer deemed a risk to the public and if their rehabilitation is deemed successful - meaning they are being punished for crimes they might commit, rather than for the wrongs they have already committed, campaigners claim.

Only 35 of unreleased IPP prisoners have not passed their tariff date at the time of writing.

This sentence leads to significantly increased rates of self-harm (70% higher compared to the general prison population) and suicide.

A Prisons and Probation Ombudsman review of 200 deaths in custody found high levels of uncertainty and increased stress of indeterminate sentences place many people in prison at risk.

Campaigners and those who have come across the dire states of those stuck in this system reflect that self-harm and suicide are symptoms of the hopelessness and despair IPP prisoners face.

 


Tommy Nicol took his own life at HMP The Mount in 2015

 

Tommy Nicol took his own life at HMP The Mount in 2015Credit: Family handout

A sister's loss: "The longer this goes on, the more damage that is being done"

Donna Mooney's brother Thomas Nicol, took his own life in prison in 2015 - two years after he would likely have been released had he not been on an IPP sentence.

His family were left heartbroken after hearing his inquest conclude that he killed himself after he had “lost hope” as a direct result of the indeterminate sentence he was on.

The 37-year-old was given a minimum tariff of four years for robbery and had served six years with no immediate hope of being released.

Despite evidence of bizarre and acutely disturbed behaviour in prison, Mr Nicol was not subject to any mental health assessments which directly contravened prison guidelines.

Evidence given at the inquest revealed there was no mental healthcare available in the prison at the time of Mr Nicol's death.

Mrs Mooney, a member of the campaign group Ungripp, told ITV News: “After the inquest process, which was horrendous, we came out of it feeling there had been absolutely no justice for my brother and what happened to him - as well as a sense of how horrendous the IPP sentence really is.

“And it’s still happening to thousands and thousands of other people - and for me, I just wanted this to stop.”

She added: “I’m never going to get my brother back, I’m never going to hear his voice, I’m never going to be able to hug him again.

"But to know that there’s a way to stop this from happening to other people, to stop other people going through this and their families from going through this - that’s a real driver for me.”

The campaigner shared how she believes the suicide rate may climb higher in the next few years - “because the longer this goes on, the more damage that is being done”.

Prior to Mr Nicol’s death, he had been repeatedly moved through the prison system, suffered long periods of solitary confinement and had his mental health issues sidelined, despite an assessment finding he needed additional support. 

Mrs Mooney said: “The sentence is now creating more victims than it’s preventing”.

By ITV News content producer Kaisha Langton





Links

Former top judge demands help for prisoners ‘left to rot’ under ‘morally wrong’ indefinite jail terms

IPP scandal: Call for free vote on bill to end ‘living nightmare’ of indefinite jail terms | The Independent

'Torture sentences' that consign some of Britain's most wronged prisoners to decades behind bars | ITV News

Wednesday 9 October 2024

How many more need to die before we finally dismantle prisons and redirect resources. Relatives of offenders serving the now-abolished IPP prison sentence demand a parliamentary investigation into mental health provision for their loved ones. prisoner serving an endless IPP sentence and 132 deaths.


Saria Hart Inquest said

“Saria’s Hart last words to prison staff in a written note were: “I am done not being listened to anymore”. Her words which were ignored during her last hours be heard now by the government, parliamentarians and policy makers? 

 Jury finds serious failings and that staff contributed to her death

Before HM Senior Coroner Peter NietoDerby Coroner’s Court 25 September – 3 October 2024

Saria Hart, 26, died in hospital on 13 October 2019 after ligaturing at HMP Foston Hall nine days earlier. She had been remanded to custody only seven weeks before. Now an inquest found that serious failings by prison staff contributed to her death.

Saria was born in Tamworth, the third of seven children. Her family describe her as a sociable person with a big heart who loved being around people.

She had a long history of anxiety, depression and self-harm.

On 14 August 2019, Saria was arrested. During her arrest, she threatened to self-harm and take her own life whilst holding a knife. Saria who  was subsequently remanded to Foston Hall on 16 August 2019.

Before Saria arrived at the prison, the prison was informed that there was a self-harm alert for Saria. Her medical record, available to the prison, also detailed her history of self-harm and ligaturing in prison previously, including at HMP Foston Hall.

Despite this, following an initial screening and health assessment, no safety plan for prisoners at risk of suicide or self-harm (known as an ACCT) was put in place.

On 3 October, Saria was restrained by a number of prison officers following an incident on the wing in which she was allegedly abusive towards staff.

As a result of this, she was suspended from her job as a wing cleaner, was placed on a basic regime losing access to certain privileges, and was placed in segregation pending an adjudication.

The Custodial Manager involved in this incident gave evidence at the inquest and stated that “there was absolutely no need to segregate Saria”.

Later that day, Saria passed a handwritten note to a prison officer detailing her intent to take her own life if she lost her job. In response to this note, an ACCT was put in place which detailed that Saria was to be observed twice an hour by prison staff.

On 4 October, during Saria’s ACCT assessment she disclosed that she wanted to die and that she had plans to end her life and refused to hand over razor blades in her room to staff. This information was not passed on to staff responsible for reviewing the assessment and devising a plan to manage Saria’s risk.

 

At the inquest, none of the staff conducting the ACCT assessment or review could be sure that they had seen Saria’s note, which had prompted the opening of the ACCT in the first place.

No steps were taken to remove high risk items from Saria’s room, no referral was made to the mental health team, and her observation level remained at two per hour.

Giving evidence at the inquest, one member of staff suggested that there was a blasé attitude towards notes from prisoners “threatening” self-harm or suicide, and that these notes were not taken as seriously as they should be.

Saria was taken straight from the review to an adjudication for the altercation which took place on the previous day. She was found guilty and was further punished, including by losing 50% of her earnings.

At 3.40pm, Saria passed a second note to staff expressing her distress and further detailing her intent to take her own life. No action was taken in relation to this note.

Shortly afterwards, at 4.45pm, Saria was found ligatured in her cell by the same member of staff that she had passed her second note to. An emergency ‘Code Blue’ was called and Saria was taken to Royal Derby Hospital where she passed away nine days later, on 13 October 2019.

The jury concluded that Saria died by suicide.  They found a number of serious failings by the prison staff contributed to her death, including that:

All relevant information / previous history was not available to be considered in the first ACCT review;

After the adjudication, no further ACCT case reviews was implemented and no adequate immediate response was given to Saria’s note;

All previous self-harm / suicide attempt history attempt history was not considered at the first ACCT assessment review;

ACCT assessment interview did not appropriately identify Saria’s triggers and risks.

The jury also considered that the absence of Saria’s suicide note and ACCT document during the ACCT review and adjudication on 4 October meant that key information regarding her mental health and her risks was not considered and missed by staff.

Karen Brown, Saria’s mother said:“Saria, our riri, was a bubbly, cheeky girl who loved being around people. We had our good days and our bad days like any other family, but she meant so much to all of us. We all miss her dearly and still think about her every day.

We are still so hurt and angry that Saria died in circumstances where she was clearly begging for help and nobody took any notice.

Five years on from Saria’s passing, the jury has confirmed what we have always known – that more should have been done to prevent Saria’s death.”

Erica San, of Bhatt Murphy Solicitors, said: “A number of preventative and risk reducing measures were available to the prison staff to manage Saria’s risk: a safer cell with fewer ligature points, constant observations, removal of certain dangerous items from her cell. Instead, prison staff ignored and dismissed Saria’s cries for help.

The most recent HMIP inspection found that the response to women in crisis was ‘too reactive, uncaring and often punitive’. This was all too clear from the evidence heard at Saria’s inquest, and there is no evidence that the attitudes of the prison officers who remain at HMP Foston Hall have changed.”

Selen Cavcav, Senior Caseworker at INQUEST, said: “Saria’s last words to prison staff in a written note were: “I am done not being listened to anymore”. Will her words which were ignored during her last hours be heard now by the government, parliamentarians and policy makers?   

Too many women like Saria have been ignored, disciplined, segregated and punished instead of being given the care they need and deserve.

Since Saria’s death, 38 people have died in women’s prisons in the UK. Yet despite the long catalogue of failures and warnings from inquests and investigations, we continue to lock women up to die.

How many more women need to die before we finally dismantle prisons and redirect resources to holistic, gender responsive community services?”

For further information or to note your interest, please contact Leila Hagmannon leilahagmann@inquest.org.uk.Saria’s family are represented by Inquest Lawyers Group members Erica San of Bhatt Murphy Solicitors and Matthew Turner of Doughty Street Chambers.


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Relatives of offenders serving the now-abolished IPP prison sentence demand a parliamentary investigation into mental health provision for their loved ones.

Families have called for an inquiry into mental health provision for offenders languishing on indefinite jail terms - saying it could "save lives".

Relatives of offenders still serving a now-abolished open-ended jail term, known as imprisonment for public protection (IPP), believe resources are so "starved" that the remaining prisoners now have "life-long mental health issues".

They have written to parliament's Justice Select Committee urging it to hold an inquiry now a new government is power.

In letters to the committee seen by Sky News, family members directly attribute the deterioration of their loved ones' mental health to the prison sentence which has no release date and has been described as a form of "psychological torture" by human rights experts.

There has been 132 deaths of those given an IPP sentence

Numbers raise concerns over IPP indefinite jail terms after deaths .Matthew Price took his own life while on licence under an imprisonment for public protection (IPP) sentence 10 years after his release from jail.John Hobson said Mr Price's mental health "had been adversely affected" by the continuing impact of the sentence. Coroner raises concern over indefinite jail terms after man's death - BBC News

Clara White, whose brother Thomas White has served 12 and a half years in prison for stealing a mobile phone, told the MPs on the committee - which is yet to be formally set up following the general election - that her brother now lives with psychosis as a result of the IPP sentence.

"From the year 2016 Thomas has been displaying religious hallucinations, religious delusions and unusual ways of thinking," she wrote.

"The prison environment and long 12-and-a-half-year incarceration is the reason Thomas now lives with paranoid schizophrenia."

"The purpose of my letter is to ask will you consider opening an inquiry into mental health provision," she added.

"I am certain this would save lives in custody."

What are IPP sentences?

IPP sentences were a type of sentence the courts could impose from 2005 until they were abolished in 2012.

They were intended for serious violent and sexual offenders who posed a significant risk of serious harm to the public but whose crimes did not warrant a life term.

Although the government's stated aim was public protection, concerns quickly grew that IPP sentences were being applied too broadly and catching more minor offenders, who often ended up serving years beyond their initial term.

The coalition government scrapped the sentence in 2012, but the change was not applied retrospectively, meaning nearly 3,000 prisoners remain behind bars - including about 1,200 who have never been released.

To date, 90 people serving IPP sentences have taken their own lives in prison.

In light of the overcrowding crisis that has engulfed UK prisons, the Ministry of Justice is under pressure from campaigners to consider a resentencing exercise for IPP prisoners, which could result in them being given a release date for the first time.

IPP has destroyed us as a family'

Cherrie Nichol's brother Aaron Graham was 26 years old when he was sentenced to two years and 124 days for committing grievous bodily harm in 2005. He remains in prison 18 years later.

In her letter to the committee, Ms Nichol said her brother was now a "shadow of his former self" and had suffered "catastrophic" mental health problems as a result of his IPP sentence.

"Not knowing where his life is going and when he may be released has painfully destroyed him and us as a family," she wrote.


She said she did not believe the prison service has been "properly equipped to deal with the backlash of the abolished IPP", leaving many "languishing with no hope and no future and professionals coming and going and not being able to make decisions".

"We are desperate as family members and campaigners to really push for you to acknowledge the mental health issues caused by the IPP," she added.

Prisoners 'must not be forgotten'

In a recent interview with Sky News, Andy Slaughter, the chair-elect of the Justice Select Committee, warned that remaining IPP prisoners must not be "forgotten" by the government.

The Labour MP for Hammersmith and Chiswick and former solicitor said it had been over a decade since IPPs were repealed "but we still have this situation where over 1,000 people have never been released from prison".

"Everyone admits this is wrong, everyone thinks a solution should be found for serving prisoners, but there is this fear that resentencing will include dangerous people," he said.

Mr Slaughter said a resentencing exercise - which was also demanded by Bob Neill, the former Conservative chair of the justice committee - "would allow each individual case to be assessed in a transparent and professional way.

"It means that it's not a quick and dirty solution, it's a proper solution that might take up to two years to implement.

"Wholesale change like resentencing is for the government to make a decision on - but these are forgotten people in prison and I hope it is something that will be high up the agenda."

A Ministry of Justice spokesperson said: "It is right that IPP sentences were abolished. We are significantly shortening licence periods for rehabilitated offenders to give them the chance to move on with their lives.

"With public protection as the number one priority, the lord chancellor is working with organisations and campaign groups to ensure appropriate action is taken to support those still serving these sentences."

Anyone feeling emotionally distressed or suicidal can call Samaritans for help on 116 123 or email jo@samaritans.org in the UK. In the US, call the Samaritans branch in your area or 1 (800) 273-TALK.

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 6th October 2024

Britain’s first IPP prisoner “lost” and fears he will never be be released.

Nicholas Bidar was left broken and “humiliated” when a Parole Board panel refused to recommend his release or move to open conditions earlier this year.

The 36-year-old was handed a IPP SENTENCE and to do an eight-year minimum aged just 20 in 2008.

But 16 years later, he is still being held in a Category A prison with no release date.

To raise awareness of his plight, he applied to be the first IPP prisoner to have his parole hearing held in public after new laws came into force to increase transparency around parole decisions.

head of the landmark hearing in March.

 Mr Bidar told The Independent how the reality of his uncertain sentence has impacted him, adding: “Every day feels like torture. I struggle daily to get through the day.”

He insisted his status has left him a “political prisoner” after a 2021 parole review had recommended him for progression to open conditions, but this was blocked by the secretary of state for justice, who refused to downgrade him.

In their latest refusal, the Parole Board admitted his Category A status was “interfering” with his progress in prison and urgently called for this to be reviewed. But six months later, no such review has taken place.

Now his family says he has completely lost the person he was and he is losing hope of ever being freed from maximum security HMP Long Lartin in Worcestershire.

“He has taken a massive step back,” a family spokesperson told The Independent, adding there has been

“no progress” regarding his categorisation.

“He’s gone from a state of thinking, ‘I am going to be home at some point’, and now he says he’s never coming home. It’s not happening. That’s his mindset – no one is going to help.

“He called us the other day, we had a prison video call. He just said what is the point in my waking up anymore.

“It’s so difficult to hear that.

“It’s so difficult when he’s seeing people walk out of the door. Some of these people have committed sexual crimes or potentially murdered someone, and he’s there for a crime he committed when he was 20.”

IPP jail terms were introduced under New Labour in 2005 and saw offenders given a minimum tariff but no maximum. They were scrapped in 2012 amid human rights concerns, but not for those already detained.

Of 2,734 remaining IPP prisoners with no release date, more than 700 have served more than 10 years longer than their minimum tariff.

Know fault of their own.

The government is facing growing pressure to resentence them after at least 132 inmates have taken their own lives under the jail term, which has been branded “psychological torture” by the UN.

But he insisted he had completed his sentence plan and told the parole board members: “I’m not that person anymore.”

Mr Bidar’s family fears that without hope of being released, he will only decline in prison. They also backed a private members bill tabled last month for all outstanding IPP prisoners to be resentenced.

“If he stays in until he’s 40 or 45 things are not going to get better,” they added. “He’s not going to learn any more lessons.

“He’s just going to deteriorate. Keeping him in now doesn’t achieve anything.

It’s causing IPP prisoners like him mental health problems.”

The family said conditions inside the maximum-security prison were squalid – with Mr Bidar spending 23 hours a day in a cell with only a bucket to use as a toilet. A recent water contamination issue left him vomiting into the same bucket for weeks, they added.

“What he did was a long time ago,” they said. “He was a young, stupid kid. But he just made the wrong choice and I just think he needs one chance.”

A Ministry of Justice spokesperson said: “It is right that IPP sentences were abolished. We are significantly shortening licence periods for some rehabilitated offenders and supporting those still serving these sentences.


HOWARD  LEAGUE  ARGUE THERE NOT GETTING THE SUPPORT

Sentence planning and progression 

Sentence plans should form the basis of how time in prison is spent, comprising (of) a bespoke set of goals tailored to a prisoner’s rehabilitative needs. A well-designed plan will incrementally reduce risk so that the subject is released back into society in a better position than when they arrived in prison. Yet with staffing shortages, overcrowding, and excessive time spent in cells, these plans are often lacking in detail, or absent altogether.  

Without a sentence plan, rehabilitative work fails to happen, and time is wasted. Yet even those with sentence plans can struggle, particularly if they are directed to complete courses which are not available at their prison. 

1.“Having been incarcerated four-plus years, I still have not received a final sentence plan. My last meeting with a Probation Offender Manager was November 2023, unannounced, no file evident in their presence and no knowledge what I have achieved.” – Christian 

2.“The panel at my 2023 hearing directed me to complete a ‘domestic violence’ course. However, all establishments that I had been referred to have rejected my case due to not suitable or don’t fit the criteria. Due to this I am back to square one and as of 2024, I have not been accepted…Lack of courses available and a huge lack of efficiency.” – Mohammed / Mumdy

3.“Lack of progression to category C conditions due to population pressure and therefore access to courses, and ultimately category D, followed by potential knock back at parole. Whilst I have only been at Cat C for seven months, some have been waiting 18 to 36 months for a move.” – Dan

4“Let prisoners take their programs earlier on in their sentence so they can progress, freeing up spaces in closed prisons for more deserving prisoners. Also expand the amount of classes per year. At Swinfen Hall most of the programs run once a year. There is no way everyone will do their program here before they get released.” – Anonymous

Bureaucracy 

The issues with sentence planning touch upon some of the wider bureaucratic issues faced by people in prison. The archaic paper-based systems in place were highlighted frequently in the responses that we received, which are felt to erode trust and accountability.  

5.“Since coming here, it took almost 2 years before I saw an Offender Manager…My last jail you had a sentence plan meeting each year and had regular contact with OMU. 

A better communication would work well here. Easier Complaint procedures and more openness on issues when dealt with.” – Brian 

4.“All applications and complaints should be at least “Duplicate”. Video cameras should be worn by all staff on landings at the first sign of an altercation, turned on. Failure to do so should be punished. Real accountability. Not just platitudes and inaction as well get rid of obfuscation.” – Alphonso

5.“Make report writers accountable for misleading information, compelling them to be clear, accurate, and tell the truth.” – Simon

6.“Poor internal communication, the intranet is used only a fraction of what it could be used for…Open up technology access.” – Stephen

Staff 

7.Good staff can be the difference between a productive prison and a chaotic, pernicious custodial environment. But members wrote to us about staff shortages, high turnover and inexperience on the landings.  

8.“Prisons all appear to be short staffed and many staff are new with no real life experience, they know nothing about our sentences and seem to think issuing written warnings or adjudications is how to deal with minor issues. Regime activities get cancelled last minute and we never know what our day will be. It’s very frustrating and causes behaviour problems.” – James / Honest Irish

9.“There is never money for anything, consistent high turnover of staff, the use of teenagers straight from college as officers with little or no life experiences. The lack of investment over decades, the increase of prisoner population and lengths of sentences and the lack of rehabilitation has created a prison system which is broken.” – Tahir

10“In all prisons we are hearing of prison staff shortage. In some places it is blatantly seen that staff are changing routinely shifts and openly abusing the system…prison officers tend to lock prisoners down during association times, evening and at disrupting prisoners free time.” – George

11“Even here at a relatively relaxed prison with little of the drugs and violence of other establishments, insufficient staff, lack of purposeful activity and no rehabilitative culture leads to a community that results in a mainly apathetic and cynical population – not a preparation for a positive crime-free life on release.” – Bruce

Cost of living 

Like those outside prison, people living in prison have been hit by the cost-of-living crisis. Wages are low and inconsistent, and the provisions of food and phone credit are limited. Issues like these have an immediate effect on prison life, but also lead to debt, bullying, and further crime. At the same time, members have noticed that some services in prison have been affected by funding pressures. 

“[L]ow wages, rising canteen prices and declining food variety and quality impact prisoners’ daily lives.” – Bruce

“Prison wages is obviously a main point for everybody. Prisoners in debt a big issue nationwide … DHL have the monopoly with their ‘canteen’ prices. Way too expensive and lots of price increases and the prisoners wage stays the same.” – Matthew

“Not being paid a decent wage, its slave labour and a job done in prison made me £2 per day making settees chairs for council packs…This creates debt bullying, self harm, depression, and I personally turned to drugs…Value prisoners who work, give 75% wage to victims of crime (Charities) and 10% in prisoner savings for release and 15% to spend in prison, pay us hourly wages even 5 an hour, what a change this would make as victims deserve it, and prisoners also deserve an average wage for work.” – Steven.  

 Our next blogpost will look at members’ observations on issues in the wider criminal justice system, beyond prisons. 

Charlie Poyser says: 27/24. I really don’t need to add anything to what’s already been said in this blog post. Having been released in July, I can recognise all these comments as a realistic appraisal of the state of the prison estate.

The Howard League | What the government should be focusing on, according to Howard League members in prison

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12 August 2024

IPP prisoner.  Alexander McColl and Alexa Thompson succeed in quashing Parole Board failure to hold an oral hearing

Mr Taylor was a recalled IPP prisoner who sought re-release and applied for an oral hearing before the Parole Board in order to present his case. On 29th June 2023, the Parole Board decided on the papers that there should be no direction for re-release and that an oral hearing could not be convened due to there being outstanding risk reduction work to be completed. Further submissions were made on behalf of the Claimant as to why the case should proceed to an oral hearing. In a further decision on 4th July 2023 an oral hearing was again refused, this time on the basis that the Claimant’s representations raised no new matters that had not already been taken into account in the original decision and there were therefore no grounds for overturning that decision.

The Claimant challenged the decisions by judicial review, arguing that:

The refusal to convene an oral hearing was procedurally unfair;

The Defendant failed to give adequate reasons for its decision; and

In its second decision, the Defendant erroneously treated the application for an oral hearing as a review of the original decision, rather than focusing on whether an oral hearing should take place.

Recorder Wright KC, sitting as a Deputy High Court Judge, applying the Osborn principles, found that procedural fairness required an oral hearing in order to facilitate an effective assessment of risk. An oral hearing would have given the Claimant the opportunity to demonstrate his ability to comply with licence conditions, particularly as he had spent several years on licence in the community since his initial release. An oral hearing would have also facilitated a better assessment of risk, particularly in view of an absence of evidence from a Prison Offender Manager.

On the second ground, it was held that the reasoning of the Parole Board in the first decision failed to provide sufficient detail to enable the Claimant to understand why the decision to deny him an oral hearing had been made. The second decision similarly was found to contain inadequate reasoning as ‘[t]hey did not engage in any meaningful sense with the arguments that had been raised’.

Finally, it was decided that the Parole Board in its second decision erred in its approach by approaching its task as a review of the first decision, rather than focusing on the question of whether fairness required an oral hearing. The High Court quashed the decisions of the Parole Board and directed that an oral hearing should take place.


Alexander McColl drafted the Detailed Statement of Grounds and Claimant’s Skeleton Argument. Alexa Thompson conducted the substantive hearing in the High Court. Instructed by Matthew Bellusci of Duncan Lewis Solicitors.has established a prison law practice. She regularly represents prisoners before the Parole Board in applications for release and moves to open conditions on behalf of lifers, IPP, and determinate sentence prisoners. She also has experience of public law challenges and recently appeared before the High Court in a successful judicial review concerning the Parole Board’s failure to convene an oral hearing in R (Taylor) v Parole Board and Secretary of State for Justice [2024] EWHC 1363 (Admin).



The judgment of the High Court can be found here.

                                                                               B e f o r e :

Richard Wright KC Sitting as a Deputy Judge of the High Court
____________________

Between:

The King (On the Application of Ezekel Taylor)

Claimant

- and -

The Parole Board for England and Wales

Defendant

- and -

Secretary of State for Justice

Interested Party

____________________

Alexa Thompson (instructed by Duncan Lewis Solicitors) for the Claimant
The Defendant and Interested Party did not attend and were not represented

Hearing date: 30th May 2024
____________________

HTML VERSION OF APPROVED JUDGMENT

____________________


Richard Wright KC: 

The Claimant Ezekel Taylor is a recalled IPP prisoner. He challenges the decisions of the Parole Board taken on 19th June 2023 and 4th July 2023 refusing to grant him an oral hearing. The decision that there should be no oral hearing became final on 25th July 2023. I granted permission to bring this claim on 12th April 2024. The other parties have remained neutral and taken no active part in the proceedings.

The Facts

On 25th June 2007, the Claimant was made the subject of a sentence of Imprisonment for Public Protection. The sentence comprised a custodial term of 5 years and 185 days for offences of wounding with intent and possession of a firearm. He was on the same occasion sentenced to an extended sentence of 12 months' imprisonment with a 12-month extended licence for an offence of affray, and further concurrent sentence of 4 months imprisonment in respect of an offence related to the possession of drugs.

The Claimant's tariff expired on 27th December 2012 and he was released on licence on 16th January 2018. He remained on licence until 5th September 2022 until he was recalled to custody having been charged with new offences of intentional strangulation and assault by beating. The Claimant was in due course convicted of those new offences and sentenced to 9 months imprisonment on 5 May 2023. His conditional release date from that new sentence was the 18th September 2023.

Section 32 of the Crime (Sentences) Act 1997 gives the Defendant power to direct the release of recalled prisoners. In accordance with that provision and following the expiry of the custodial element of his new sentence on the 15th September 2022 the Interested Party referred the Claimant to the Defendant via the Public Protection Casework Section.

On 16th June 2023 a written application for an oral hearing was submitted to the Defendant on behalf of the Claimant by his solicitors. On 19th June 2023 the Defendant determined that there should be no direction for release in the Claimant's case. That decision was made on the papers without an oral hearing. The Defendant provided the following written explanation for its decision not to hold an oral hearing in the Claimant's case:

"In making this decision the panel has considered this case against the principles set out in the case of Osborn, Booth & Reilly [2013] UKSC 61 concerning oral hearings.

The panel does not find that there are any reasons for an oral hearing. However, if it is believed that this case should proceed to an oral hearing, further representations should be submitted to the Parole Board within 28 days of receipt of this decision outlining why it should proceed to a hearing."

The decision went on:

"An oral hearing cannot be justified in the absence of offence-focussed work to address the areas of risk that arise out of the new conviction."

On 19th June 2023 the Claimant's solicitors made written representations as to why his case should proceed to an oral hearing. On 4th July the Defendant refused the Claimants request for an oral hearing in these terms:

"The MCA Duty Member saw a dossier of 236 pages including a 'no release' decision by an MCA member dated 19 June 2023. The dossier includes legal representations dated 16 June 2023 which were considered by the MCA member in reaching their decision.

Further representations dated 19 June 2023 have now been made. The MCA duty Member has carefully considered those further representations and concluded that they do not raise any issues which were not included in the representations in the dossier dated 16 June 2023 and which were taken into account in making the 'no release' decision. The MCA Duty Member therefore does not find any grounds for overturning the 'no release' decision." [HB/271]

No application for reconsideration was submitted by the Claimant and in accordance with the Parole Board Rules 2019, and in particular with Rule 20(6)(a), the decision of the Defendant became final on 25 July 2023.

The Claim

The Claimant advances three grounds of challenge to the decision of the Defendant, these were helpfully set out in the focused skeleton argument prepared by Alexander McColl and ably amplified during the hearing by Miss Thompson.

Ground One is that the Defendant's refusal on 19 June 2023 and 4 July 2023 to grant the Claimant an oral hearing before refusing his application for release was procedurally unfair contrary to the Claimant's:

(i) common law rights; and

(ii) his rights under Article 5(4) of the European Convention on Human Rights ('ECHR');

Ground Two is that the Defendant, on 19 June 2023 and 4 July 2023, unlawfully failed to give any or any adequate reasons for its decision to refuse the Claimant's application for release without an oral hearing;

Ground Three is that the Defendant's refusal on 4 July 2023 to grant the Claimant an oral hearing was procedurally unfair and/or irrational in that it erroneously treated the application for an oral hearing as a review of the 19 June 2023 decision, where it should have assessed the necessity of an oral hearing.

Although the Claim relates to two decisions (those of 19th June and 4th July, becoming final on 25th July), I treat the Claim as being in effect against one overall decision taken by the Defendant, namely, to direct 'no release' without convening an oral hearing.

The Law

In R (Osborn) v The Parole Board [2013] UKSC 61the Supreme Court reviewed the relevant principles to be applied in relation to oral hearings. Lord Reed gave the following general guidance at Paragraph 2 of his Judgement:

2. It may be helpful to summarise at the outset the conclusions which I have reached.

i) In order to comply with common law standards of procedural fairness, the board should hold an oral hearing before determining an application for release, or for a transfer to open conditions, whenever fairness to the prisoner requires such a hearing in the light of the facts of the case and the importance of what is at stake. By doing so the board will also fulfil its duty under section 6(1) of the Human Rights Act 1998 to act compatibly with article 5(4) of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, in circumstances where that article is engaged.

ii) It is impossible to define exhaustively the circumstances in which an oral hearing will be necessary, but such circumstances will often include the following:

a) Where facts which appear to the board to be important are in dispute, or where a significant explanation or mitigation is advanced which needs to be heard orally in order fairly to determine its credibility. The board should guard against any tendency to underestimate the importance of issues of fact which may be disputed or open to explanation or mitigation.

b) Where the board cannot otherwise properly or fairly make an independent assessment of risk, or of the means by which it should be managed and addressed. That is likely to be the position in cases where such an assessment may depend upon the view formed by the board (including its members with expertise in psychology or psychiatry) of characteristics of the prisoner which can best be judged by seeing or questioning him in person, or where a psychological assessment produced by the Ministry of Justice is disputed on tenable grounds, or where the board may be materially assisted by hearing evidence, for example from a psychologist or psychiatrist. Cases concerning prisoners who have spent many years in custody are likely to fall into the first of these categories.

c) Where it is maintained on tenable grounds that a face to face encounter with the board, or the questioning of those who have dealt with the prisoner, is necessary in order to enable him or his representatives to put their case effectively or to test the views of those who have dealt with him.

d) Where, in the light of the representations made by or on behalf of the prisoner, it would be unfair for a "paper" decision made by a single member panel of the board to become final without allowing an oral hearing: for example, if the representations raise issues which place in serious question anything in the paper decision which may in practice have a significant impact on the prisoner's future management in prison or on future reviews.

iii) In order to act fairly, the board should consider whether its independent assessment of risk, and of the means by which it should be managed and addressed, may benefit from the closer examination which an oral hearing can provide.

iv) The board should also bear in mind that the purpose of holding an oral hearing is not only to assist it in its decision-making, but also to reflect the prisoner's legitimate interest in being able to participate in a decision with important implications for him, where he has something useful to contribute.

v) The question whether fairness requires a prisoner to be given an oral hearing is different from the question whether he has a particular likelihood of being released or transferred to open conditions and cannot be answered by assessing that likelihood.

vi) When dealing with cases concerning recalled prisoners, the board should bear in mind that the prisoner has been deprived of his freedom, albeit conditional. When dealing with cases concerning post-tariff indeterminate sentence prisoners, it should scrutinise ever more anxiously whether the level of risk is unacceptable, the longer the time the prisoner has spent in prison following the expiry of his tariff.

vii) The board must be, and appear to be, independent and impartial. It should not be predisposed to favour the official account of events, or official assessments of risk, over the case advanced by the prisoner.

viii) The board should guard against any temptation to refuse oral hearings as a means of saving time, trouble and expense.

ix) The board's decision, for the purposes of this guidance, is not confined to its determination of whether or not to recommend the prisoner's release or transfer to open conditions, but includes any other aspects of its decision (such as comments or advice in relation to the prisoner's treatment needs or the offending behaviour work which is required) which will in practice have a significant impact on his management in prison or on future reviews.

x) "Paper" decisions made by single member panels of the board are provisional. The right of the prisoner to request an oral hearing is not correctly characterised as a right of appeal. In order to justify the holding of an oral hearing, the prisoner does not have to demonstrate that the paper decision was wrong, or even that it may have been wrong: what he has to persuade the board is that an oral hearing is appropriate.

xi) In applying this guidance, it will be prudent for the board to allow an oral hearing if it is in doubt whether to do so or not.

xii) The common law duty to act fairly, as it applies in this context, is influenced by the requirements of article 5(4) as interpreted by the European Court of Human Rights. Compliance with the common law duty should result in compliance also with the requirements of article 5(4) in relation to procedural fairness.

xiii) A breach of the requirements of procedural fairness under article 5(4) will not normally result in an award of damages under section 8 of the Human Rights Act unless the prisoner has suffered a consequent deprivation of liberty.

In the course of her submissions before me Miss Thompson referred to the decisions of the Administrative Court in R (Stubbs) v The Parole Board [2021] EWHC 605 (Admin), R (Dich and Murphy) v The Parole Board [2023] EWHC 945 (Admin) and R (Garmson) v The Parole Board [2024] EWHC 1106 (Admin). Each of those cases exemplifies the application of the Osborn principles to the individual facts of each case. These are all necessarily fact specific decisions and no point of general principle can be derived from them.

As regards the duty upon the Defendant to give reasons for its decision the obligation was clearly articulated by Lord Brown of Eaton-Under-Heywood in South Buckinghamshire District Council v Porter (No 2) [2004] 1 WLR 1953, at para 36:

"The reasons for a decision must be intelligible and they must be adequate. They must enable the reader to understand why the matter was decided as it was and what conclusions were reached on the "principal important controversial issues", disclosing how any issue of law or fact was resolved. Reasons can be briefly stated, the degree of particularity required depending entirely on the nature of the issues falling for decision. The reasoning must not give rise to a substantial doubt as to whether the decision-maker erred in law, for example by misunderstanding some relevant policy or some other important matter or by failing to reach a rational decision on relevant ground."

Submissions

Ground One – Procedural Unfairness

As to the first Ground Miss Thompson submitted that fairness to the Claimant dictated that his case required an oral hearing. She amplified that broad statement by reference to six factors:

(i) That there was a clear dispute arising from the Risk Management Plan as to whether the Claimant's risk could be adequately managed in thecommunity.

(ii) The Claimant's Community Offender Manager had concluded that he had a demonstrable ability to comply with a further period of licence conditions. A face-to-face hearing would have enabled the Claimant to put his case effectively and demonstrate his ability to comply.

(iii) The Claimant had not been allocated a Prison Offender Manager during his recall to custody. The Defendant was therefore in possession of incomplete information and that could be rectified at an oral hearing.

(iv) The Claimant had previously demonstrated an ability to comply with licence conditions between 2017 and 2021.

(v) Without a further opportunity to consider whether he could again comply at an oral hearing no fair conclusion could be reached in this regard.

(vi) The Claimant had indicated an intention to appeal against his conviction for the offence that had resulted in his recall. The Defendant could not proceed on the basis that there was a reasonable prospect of the appeal being allowed but equally it was wrong to treat his denial as false absent an oral hearing.

In support of this final proposition Miss Thompson relied upon the observation by Lord Bingham in R (Oyston) [2000] EWCA Crim 3552 that:

"In almost any case the Board would be quite wrong to treat the prisoner's denial as irrelevant, but also quite wrong to treat a prisoner's denial as necessarily conclusive against the grant of parole."

Miss Thompson submitted that the only reason given for refusing an oral hearing, namely that 'An oral hearing cannot be justified in the absence of offence-focussed work to address the areas of risk that arise out of the new conviction' simply could not be sustained if fairly balanced against the six factors that she had advanced in favour of such a hearing. She submitted that fairness dictated that the Claimant should have an opportunity at an oral hearing to demonstrate that such risk reduction work could be carried out in the community.

Ground Two – Duty to Give Reasons

Miss Thompson submitted that the reasons that were given in the 19th June decision were in the form of standard wording drawn from the Defendant's Member Assessment Guidance from October 2022 and in particular from Paragraph 6.9 of that Guidance:

It is strongly recommended that the standard form of words is used to refer to the judgment in each case. This is because the text is comprehensive and is based on legal advice and is, therefore, less open to challenge. It is easy to insert this prepared standard wording in the paper decision template, saving the member time in paraphrasing.

The panel has considered the principles set out in the case of Osborn, Booth and Reilly (2013) UKSC 61 concerning oral hearings. It has not found that there are any reasons to hold an oral hearing. [but note whether any representations have been submitted]. Therefore, this case is not being directed to an oral hearing.

Although the following Paragraph of the Guidance provides (Paragraph 6.10) that 'This wording should be expanded to suit particular circumstances', there was no expansion in the Claimant's case. It was submitted to me that it was necessary to give expanded reasons in a case where the Claimant had requested an oral hearing and set out reasons for doing so. It was argued that absent further reasons the Claimant could not engage with the Defendant's application of the Osborn factors in his own case. Finally, it was said that the Defendant's own Guidance envisaged that further reasons should be given in a case such as this one.

As regards the decision of the 4th July it was submitted that these merely parrot the earlier decision. Moreover, they reject the submissions made in writing on behalf of the Claimant without setting out any reasoning for doing so. Thus, it was argued these reasons were themselves deficient.

In support of this ground Miss Thompson submitted that the 4th July decision was irrational in that it failed to apply the correct test, namely whether fairness required there to be an oral hearing. In a linked point it was argued that 4th July assessment was approached as if it were merely review of the 19th June decision.

This approach runs contrary to the decision is Osborn, and in particular Paragraph 95 of the Judgement:

95. The unfairness which results from the board's treatment of the request for an oral hearing as an appeal is illustrated by the case of the appellant Booth, in which the ICM assessor identified the critical question as being "whether the grounds of the appeal are justified and if an oral hearing would make any material difference to the paper decision". The request for an oral hearing was thus, decided on the basis that the earlier decision was presumptively correct. This is to put the cart before the horse. If fairness requires an oral hearing, then a decision arrived at without such a hearing is unfair and cannot stand. The question whether an oral hearing is required cannot therefore be decided on the basis of a presumption that a decision taken without such a hearing is correct.

Decision

Ground One – Procedural Unfairness

As the Supreme Court made clear at Paragraph 65 of its Judgement in Osborn it is for this Court to determine for itself whether or not it considers that a fair approach was followed by the Defendant:

"[the Court's] function [when considering whether a fair procedure was followed by a decision-making body such as the Parole Board] is not merely to review the reasonableness of the decision-maker's judgment of what fairness required.".

I have examined that question applying the general principles that were set out in Paragraph 2 of the Judgement in that case.

In doing so I have come to the clear conclusion that procedural fairness in this case required there to have been an oral hearing. The Claimant had previously been released from his sentence on licence and his risk had, for several years been successfully managed in the community. An oral hearing would have afforded the Claimant an opportunity to demonstrate that he could once again be successfully managed in the community and that he was capable of complying with licence conditions. An oral hearing would also have enabled the views of the Claimant's manager to have been explored and tested. It is of course not the role of the Defendant to punish an offender but rather to consider whether the risk that he may pose might be managed on release in the community. An oral hearing would in my Judgement have better enabled that assessment to take place, particularly in the light of the absence of evidence from a Prison Offender Manager.

For all of these reasons and finding that all of the arguments advanced by Miss Thompson (See Paragraph 17 above) in favour of fairness requiring an oral hearing were equally well made out, I am satisfied that the Claim succeeds in respect of Ground One.

Ground Two – Duty to Give Reasons

Through his solicitors the Claimant had set out in writing on 16th June a number of cogent reasons why he argued an oral hearing should take place. Following the decision on the 19th June further detailed written submissions were provided on his behalf. In my Judgement the reasons provided by the Defendant, both on the 19th June and the 4th July were wholly inadequate. Whilst the Defendant was not obliged to accept the arguments that had been advanced in writing it was at least required to demonstrate its engagement with them at some stage of its decision making.

The written reasons given on 19th June adopted the standard wording from the Defendant's own guidance, but that standard wording did no more than set out the test that had to be applied. There was no expansion of the reasoning that would have enabled the Claimant to understand (See Paragraph 16 above) 'why the matter was decided as it was and what conclusions were reached on the "principal important controversial issues", disclosing how any issue of law or fact was resolved'.

The reasons given for the 4th July decision were in my judgement similarly inadequate. They did not engage in any meaningful sense with the arguments that had been raised in writing, either on 16th June or following the 19th June decision. It follows that when viewed as a whole the decision that became final on 25th July was one in respect of which the Defendant had failed to provide adequate reasons at any stage.

Ground Three – 4th July Decision Procedurally unfair / Irrational

It is clear to me that the criticism of the 4th July decision made by Miss Thompson is properly made out on the facts of this case. The principal matter for consideration was whether fairness to the Claimant dictated that there should be an oral hearing and yet that did not feature in the decision that was communicated to the Claimant. Rather it is clear to me that the decision maker fell into the error identified at Paragraph 95 in Osborn (above) and approached the review of the 19th June decision on the presumption that it was correct and had not been displaced. That was to fall into procedural error and arrive at an irrational decision. This approach to also had the effect of compounding the unfairness that arose from the failure to give adequate reasons for the original 19th June decision.

Conclusion

For the reasons that I have set out above I quash the decisions of the Parole Board of 19th June and 4th July (which became final on 25th July) directing no release without an oral hearing. I direct that there is to be an oral hearing before the Parole Board.BAILII: Copyright Policy | Disclaimers | Privacy Policy | Feedback | Donate to BAILII

URL: http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWHC/Admin/2024/1363.html

October 2024

More calls for action from our members in prison
Last week, we shared the thoughts of our members in prison on the day-to-day issues behind bars that the government ought to focus on.

This blogpost looks at what their responses tell us about wider issues, including the work of the probation service, maintaining family ties, and sentencing, particularly sentences of imprisonment for public protection (IPP).

It closes with some reflections on the need for reform of the entire criminal justice system.

Probation 

When we canvassed our members in prison earlier this year, we received more complaints about the probation service than observations on any other topic. And this was before the announcement of the SDS40 early release scheme, which has added to probation caseloads. Members offered some suggestions for how the service could be improved. 

“My Probation Offender Manager has a caseload of 80. That is unsustainable. I have spent my sentence trying to engage with my sentence plan and Offender Manager only to be ignored and rebuffed because I’m not in my release window.” – Simon 

“(Probation) are too risk averse and restrictive: this being at fear of reprisals for themselves instead of focus on victims and prisoners. This often causes log jams in the system. Although they are very busy they ignore prisoner communications and regularly cancel appointments.” – Darren 

“To deliver a better service to the whole community, the focus should be on reducing re-offending, through improved probation & rehabilitation … Meaningful education & training so that those released can earn a living and most importantly, effective support from a well-resourced probation service to deliver quality resettlement provision and re-integration into the community, which would protect the general public better and be seen to be a good use of public funds.” – Bruce 

“A major uplift in probation recruitment and retention. This would probably mean more funding, i.e. to increase wages.” – Charlie 

“A large percentage of people in prison have been recalled by Probation without following the rules as laid down by a parole board I faced. Any one, or all 4 to be followed. 1. A verbal warning. 2. A written warning. 3. A final written warning. 4. A last-chance-saloon type of interview with the probation officer and Head of Probation Services. Probation regularly skip these options, and they get away with it.” – John 

Family

Many members wrote to us about the importance of maintaining family ties, which can help to prevent reoffending. 

Despite a government policy in support of increasing family contact, prisoners are often left wanting. Many are in prisons many miles from their families, making visits difficult and often prohibitively expensive.  

“Focus more on the maintaining of prisoners’ family ties instead of sending people 3+ hours way from their children!” – Lewis 

“I am too far from home and I want to be closer to family. I no longer have any care or enthusiasm to jump hoops for Parole panel/probation etc. I only care about seeing my family/daughter. Only god knows how long I have to live, so long as I have regular visits, I’ll be happy.” – Mohammed / Mumdy 

“I would look at investing in some sort of travel service for prisoners’ families to access prison visits. I would have lots of literature around the hall in regards to LGBTQ+ topics & also about mental health and stop it being a taboo subject.”  – Ryan 

IPP 

The IPP sentence remains a contentious issue. Although the sentence was abolished in 2012, almost 3,000 people who were given it remain in prison today. Members wrote to tell us how this injustice affects not only people serving the sentence, but prisons as a whole.  

“The fact that I, and others are still serving sentences that are illegal is enough to affect us all. We should not be here and one cannot blame the prison staff, but it should be said, the rules in this establishment are changing for the worse.” – Anonymous 

“It’s the not knowing of when I’ll get released. I do not want to die in prison. I suffer from depression and I have done since I was a child. The new governor has implemented a new regime which is very unsettling for all the prisoners here.” – Dan 

“Persecuted by an obsolete law that was abolished 12 years ago, so that it’s legal for me to be scooped up like a fish in a net, dumped into prison, and just left there, until I can be dealt with. The ‘toxic legacy’ of IPP.”  – John 

“Not being able to access many of the services that are for IPP prisoners. The units are too small, 20 by 10 spaces on two units. IPP prisoners are there for a long time, which prevents others taking part. There needs to be a larger unit utilized for all life sentence prisoners, with the correct support in all jails.” – Robert 

“Using judge’s remarks, re-sentence all IPPs to the determinant sentence, which would have been passed, making this exercise easier as it is already documented.” – Simon 

“Well, I feel that us IPP’s have had a rotten deal. And the recent IPP awareness week, you may recall, boiled down to nothing really, just lip service. I’m now convinced that nothing short of a full root and branch reform will make a difference. Anything else is just sticking plaster really.” – Brent 

 

Wider reform 

The comment above was one of several we received from members calling for far-reaching reform of the criminal justice system. I will finish this blogpost with some more of those calls for action.  

“Stop playing to the red-top tabloids with the ‘tough on crime’ mantra aimed squarely at locking up more people for longer with no support and no rehabilitation in deteriorating and under-funded conditions.” – Simon 

“Take politics out of the entire process. Put minimum standards of service into law with associated budget provisions. Listen to and use the experience of the countries that are doing it vastly more successfully, for example, Norway. Dissolve the not fit for purpose IOPC [Independent Office for Police Conduct], IPCI [Independent Prisoner Complaint Investigations], and CCRC [Criminal Cases Review Commission] and start again with independent bodies with teeth, integrity and backbone.” – Geoff 

“There needs to be a smarter use of prison as not all those in prison need the restrictions. Home Detention. GPS tags are useful alternatives. ‘Unpoliticise’ the criminal justice system. A full-time body, not politically affiliated, press or media pressured, or vote driven. Justice systems not affected by general election. Consistency.” – Darren 

“An increase in the funding, quality and range of activities within the mental health services. Give everyone a personal counsellor and you’ll see a significant improvement in behaviour, stability and reoffending. Relationships matter!” – Charlie 

“There’s simply not enough space to write what needs to be done. It is a total overhaul of everything from community structures to rehabilitating offenders …  An unimaginable financial investment to catch up with decades of neglect.” –  Tahir  

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IST OCTOBER 2024

A Prisoner hoped suicide would change IPP policy

A prisoner serving an endless IPP sentence took his own life in his cell – leaving a note saying that he saw no chance of ever being released.

Sean Davies, 30, died at Swaleside prison in Kent, in February 2023 – a fortnight after the then-Conservative government rejected a call by a committee of MPs for all IPP prisoners to be resentenced.

Davies was issued with an IPP sentence for an offence of violence in November 2012, just a month before they were abolished. His minimum term was five years, meaning he was eligible for parole in 2017, but he was repeatedly turned down for release.

In 2021 he transferred to Swaleside to join the psychologically informed planned environment (PIPE) unit. In April 2022 he was assessed as suitable for transfer to a category C prison, but this was revoked that October after unprescribed medication was found in his cell. Following this, he expressed feelings of hopelessness. 

In September 2022, the House of Commons Justice Select Committee issued a report calling for the resentencing of all IPP prisoners. On 10 February, 2023, Davies was informed that then-justice secretary Dominic Raab had rejected this recommendation. He took his own life in the early hours of February 25.

His inquest

 in August concluded that insufficient welfare checks and a lack of communication between staff played a part in his death. A report by Patricia Harding, senior coroner for mid Kent and Medway, stated: “Mr Davies left a note stating that he had taken his own life because of the IPP sentence.

 He expressed frustration at the slow progress of his sentence, re-categorisation, and concerns about how the Parole Board would view this and his past behaviour. He saw no chance of being released. 

"He went on to say he hoped that his death would contribute to changing the laws of the IPP sentence.

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IPP licence reform takes effect in November

A change in the law which will help people on Imprisonment for Public Protection (IPP) sentences to move on with their lives will take effect in November.

The Victims and Prisoners Act 2024 was passed by Parliament in May, days after the general election was called. It includes major reforms to the way IPP licences can be terminated, but these cannot take effect until the new Government sets a commencement date.

Last week, Justice Secretary Shabana Mahmood told the House of Commons that the changes would be implemented in phases. ‘Phase 1’ will start on November 1, when sections 66 and 67 of the 2024 Act will come into force, followed by ‘Phase 2’ on February 1, 2025.

More than 8,000 IPP sentences were handed down between 2005, when they were introduced, and 2012, when they were abolished. People on IPP sentences must serve a minimum custodial period, or tariff, but then remain in custody until the Parole Board deems them safe to release. When they leave prison they do so under a ‘lifelong’ licence, allowing them to be recalled at any time – until the licence is terminated.

At the moment, termination of an IPP licence can only be granted by the Parole Board after the ‘qualifying period’ has passed. Currently, the qualifying period is 10 years after a person has first been released. Once the 10-year point has passed, people should be automatically referred to the Parole Board every year for consideration.

From November, anyone serving an IPP will be eligible for a termination review by the Parole Board three years after their first release, instead of 10 years. Anyone who was sentenced when they were under 18, and therefore received a Detention for Public Protection sentence, will be eligible after just two years.

Everyone on IPP or DPP sentences will also benefit from a new ‘sunset clause’, which means that their licence will automatically end if it has remained in force for two years continuously in the community after their new qualifying period has ended. If a person is recalled within the two-year period, ordinarily it will ‘reset the clock’ and they will have to wait another two years until the licence expires.

From February, when Phase 2 commences, the qualifying period for all other purposes, including when the Secretary of State must refer a DPP or IPP licence to the Parole Board for consideration of licence termination, will be two and three years respectively.


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8th October 2024

SDS40 – The impacts on your liberty 

Its a slap in the face” to IPP prisoners, languishing inprison

 early release scheme has seen around 1,700 prisoners released under measures reducing the length of time some inmates must serve in jail from 50 to 40 per cent of their sentence.

By the end of October, the total is expected to reach around 5,500, as more walk free from jails in England and Wales to free up prison cells.Meanwhile, the scheme was branded a “slap in the face” to almost  languishing on abolished sentences, despite more than 700 having served at least 10 16 years longer than their sentence . Releasing IPP prisoners would empty up to four entire prisons.

...The Criminal Justice Act 2003 (Requisite and Minimum Custodial Periods) Order 2024, commonly known as SDS40, was approved on 29 July 2024.  provides that prisoners will be automatically released on licence after having served 40% of their sentence instead of 50%. applies to standard determinate sentences only and excludes EDS, IPP and Life sentences.

SDS40 will be implemented in two phases: namely 10 September 2024 for eligible sentences of under five years, and 22 October 2024 for eligible sentences of over five years. It is very important to note that this is a temporary measure to address prison overpopulation which will be reviewed in 18 months. Therefore people who are currently eligible and their SDS40 release date falls after 18 months, should appreciate that SDS40 may no longer apply at that time. The continued operation of SDS40 will be dictated by prison capacity at that time.

SDS40 would only apply to:

1. Someone serving an eligible standard determinate sentence.

2. Someone currently in prison and has not been released.

3. The sentence is not expressly excluded (like sexual offences, domestic abuse offences, breach of non-molestation order, national security offences, and violent offences with a sentence of over 4 years).

It is important to note that unlike HDC, the prison service has no discretion for SDS40 and have to release the eligible prisoner by law. Eligibility is solely dependent on the index offence for which he is imprisoned, and any previous offences are irrelevant. For example, someone who had a previous sexual offence but is currently in prison for a theft would be eligible, as the sexual offence is irrelevant for SDS40.

It would be very important to note that if someone is recalled on SDS40, they will return to prison to serve the remaining 60% of their sentence unless they are released by the Parole Board or by Executive release. There will not be another release at the 50% point as is sometimes the case with some HDC recalls.

As licence periods are increased, people should be careful as the chances of being recalled will also be higher. It is very important that people do not get complacent about this and make sure that they have a very robust release plan in place. As probation and other support agencies will be under a lot of pressure, it would be advisable to do your best to ensure that you have a robust plan to reduce the possibility of recall.

SDS40 also has an impact on people who have been recalled previously and have been sentenced to a further concurrent offence as it would bring forward the date when they will be reviewed by the Parole Board. For example, if a recalled IPP prisoner has been sentenced to a concurrent 40 months for a further offence of burglary, he would become eligible for parole after 16 months under SDS40 and not 20 months.

The criteria and procedure for HDC and SDS40 are completely different and should not be confused. A prisoner might be eligible for both HDC and SDS40, which in the majority of cases will bring forward their HDC Eligibility Date (HDCED). We anticipate that some prisons would get these calculations wrong and would therefore advise that you request your sentence calculation sheet at the outset to check whether the prison have not made any mistake. After the implementation dates, sentence calculation sheets should be amended to reflect the new CRD and the new HDCED. In case of any discrepancies, we would advise that you contact a prison law specialist who would be able to assess the information and advise you accordingly.

SDS40 does not apply to civil terms of imprisonment; defaults of fines; confiscation orders; terms for contempt; as they are not sentences.

Therefore it could be concluded that SDS40 could bring your release closer, which can be quite significant for people serving long determinate sentences and recalled prisoners serving a concurrent eligible determinate sentence. There can be significant periods of time at stake, and we would advise that you seek legal advice from Reeds Solicitors in case of any doubt about this policy or indeed any other areas of law. We can offer a fixed fee for dealing with such matters.

Dary Makoona is a Prison Law Solicitor & Nicola Maynard is Head of Prison Law/Partner at Reeds Solicitors

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Links 

Saria Hart: Jury finds serious failings by staff at HMP Foston Hall contributed to self-inflicted death | Inquest

Man sentenced to two years in prison 'destroyed' after serving 18 years - as families call for inquiry | Politics News | Sky News






Britain faced ‘total breakdown of law and order’ without early release of prisoners, minister claims | The Independent